UNIVERSIDAD COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID FACULTAD DE PSICOLOGÍA TESIS DOCTORAL Procesos psicosociales de discriminación contra la mujer Psychological processes of discrimination against women MEMORIA PARA OPTAR AL GRADO DE DOCTOR PRESENTADA POR Iara Maribondo Albuquerque Directores José Luis Álvaro Estramiana Ana Raquel Rosas Torres Madrid © Iara Maribondo Albuquerque, 2020 UNIVERSIDAD COMPLUTENSE DE MADRID FACULTAD DE PSICOLOGÍA DOCTORADO EN PSICOLOGÍA MADRID – ESPAÑA TESIS DOCTORAL Procesos psicosociales de discriminación contra la mujer Psychosocial processes of discrimination against women MEMORIA PARA OPTAR AL GRADO DE DOCTOR PRESENTADA POR Iara Maribondo Albuquerque DIRECTORES José Luis Álvaro Estramiana Ana Raquel Rosas Torres Madrid 2020 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS To God, Lord of all things, for letting me arrive here at this moment. To my dear parents, Armando and Urânia, for being my foundation. To my husband Nilson for the whole support and understanding. To professor Ana Raquel Rosas Torres because for being more than an academic advisor in the last nine years. To professor José Luis Álvaro Estramiana for all the reception in Madrid and for being a gentle person and an admirable teacher. To professor Alicia Garrido Luque for receiving me affectionately in Madrid and contributing in a significant way to the elaboration of this work. To all colleagues of the Group of Inquiry in Political Behavior (GPCP) for all the growth it has provided me in our studies, collections of data and moments of casualness. In particular Khalil, for the collaboration in the development of this thesis. To Hyalle, Luíza and Hênio for the friendship and all the words of affection and incentive. To Sabrina Cavalcanti Barros for having served as a north so that I could enjoy my stay in Madrid. To Raquel Ferreira for being as a sister for me in Spain. To Alba Marina for all the support in this investigation. To professor Fátima Pereira reader of this work since the first version for carefully looking with care to this work and all the suggestions. To all the professors‟ readers of this work for the availability, attentive reading and valuable contributions. CONTENTS FIGURES.............................................................................................................. i TABLES................................................................................................................ ii RESUMEN............................................................................................................ iii ABSTRACT ........................................................................................................ v RESUMO ............................................................................................................. vi CHAPTER I – GENERAL INTRODUCTION AND OBJECTIVES………... 1 INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………………... 2 ORGANIZATION OF THE THESIS……………………………………………. 3 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN........................................................................... 5 GENDER STEREOTYPES………............................................................................... 10 BELIEF IN A JUST WORLD……............................................................................... 13 MORAL VALUES.................................................................................................. 15 SOCIAL IDENTITY................................................................................................ 17 CHAPTER II – GENDER STEREOTYPES AND DISCRIMINATION AGAINST WOMEN…………………………………………………………….. 18 CHAPTER III – GROUP MEMBERSHIP, MORAL VALUES, BELIEF IN A JUST WORLD AND DISCRIMINATION AGAINST WOMEN…………. 34 CHAPTER IV – MAIN FORMS OF AGGRESSION AGAINST WOMEN: A SEMANTIC ANALYSIS …………………………………………………….. 53 CHAPTER V- GENERAL DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS…....……… 70 REFERENCES …………………………………………………….……………. 80 ANNEXES………………………………………………………………………... 103 ANNEX A- Instrument used in the studies described in Investigation 1 ………... 104 ANNEX B- Instrument used in the studies described in Investigation 2 ………… 114 i FIGURES CHAPTER II – GENDER STEREOTYPES AND DISCRIMINATION AGAINST WOMEN Figure 1 - Positions in the hierarchical structure of the company by candidate gender and parental leave status (exercises the right vs. waives the right)……………………………………………………………………. 22 CHAPTER III - GROUP MEMBERSHIP, MORAL VALUES, BELIEF IN A JUST WORLD AND DISCRIMINATION AGAINST WOMEN Figure 2.1 - Victim blaming according to the victim's group membership.. 37 Figure 2.2 - Theoretical interaction model used in Study 2………………. 42 Figure 2.3 - Victim blaming in relation to victim's group membership and level of adherence to binding values………………………………………. 43 Figure 2.4 - The triple-interaction theoretical model used in Study 3……. 47 Figure 2.5 - Victim blaming in relation to victim's group membership and adherence to BJW when there is high adherence to binding values………. 48 CHAPTER IV - MAIN FORMS OF AGGRESSION AGAINST WOMEN: A SEMANTIC ANALYSIS Figure 3.1 - Dendrogram regarding the distribution of the vocabulary of the classes according to the Descendent Hierarchic Classification………. 56 Figure 3.2 - Dendrogram regarding the distribution of the vocabulary in the classes according to the Descending Hierarchic Classification………. 60 Figure 3.3 - Dendrogram regarding the distribution of the vocabulary of the classes according to the Descendent Hierarchic Classification………. 64 ii TABLES CHAPTER II – GENDER STEREOTYPES AND DISCRIMINATION AGAINST WOMEN Table 1.1 - Descriptive statistics for the competence stereotype dimension in the different groups……………………………………………………… 28 Table 1.2 - Descriptive statistics for the sociability stereotype dimension in the different groups……………………………………………………… 29 Table 1.3 - Descriptive statistics for the morality stereotype dimension in the different groups………………………………………………………… 30 iii PROCESOS PSICOSOCIALES DE DISCRIMINACIÓN CONTRA LA MUJER RESUMEN: Esta tesis tiene como objetivo investigar qué procesos psicosociales subyacen a la persistencia de la discriminación contra las mujeres en dos contextos: violencia laboral y sexual. Para lograr esto, este trabajo reunió tres investigaciones que adoptan como referencia teórica los supuestos de la teoría de las relaciones intergrupales (Tajfel, 1982). La primera investigación analizó el efecto del género del candidato (hombre frente a mujer) y el estado de licencia parental (disfrute frente a disgusto) sobre la discriminación contra las mujeres en el trabajo; así como evaluar la atribución de rasgos estereotípicos a dichos candidatos en términos de dimensiones de competencia, sociabilidad y moralidad. El género del solicitante y el estado de licencia parental interactúan e influyen juntos en la discriminación (Estudio 1, N = 315). A su vez, la mujer en licencia de maternidad se evaluó más positivamente en las tres dimensiones estereotipadas en comparación con la mujer que había renunciado a la licencia y peor en la dimensión de competencia en comparación con el hombre que disfrutaba del mismo derecho (Estudio 2, N = 312 ) La segunda investigacion examinó la influencia de la membresía grupal (ingroup vs. exogroup) y la adherencia a los valores morales y Fair World Belief en la responsabilidad de las mujeres víctimas de violencia sexual. La víctima del grupo fue más responsable (Estudio 1, N = 250); y esta relación fue moderada por los valores de unión (Estudio 2, N = 117) y por CMJ (Estudio 3, N = 258). Tomados en conjunto, los resultados sugieren que la responsabilidad de la víctima de violencia sexual es mayor cuando pertenece al grupo; y que esta relación se predice por la alta adherencia a los valores vinculantes y la baja adherencia a Belief in a Fair iv World (CMJ). Finalmente, la tercera investigación de este documento analizó los testimonios de víctimas de violencia en investigaciones policiales realizadas entre 2015 y 2017, con el propósito de investigar las configuraciones que puede asumir la violencia contra las mujeres. PALABRAS-CLAVE: procesos psicosociales, discriminación, violencia. v PSYCHOSOCIAL PROCESSES OF DISCRIMINATION AGAINST WOMEN ABSTRACT: This thesis aims to investigate which psychosocial processes underlie the persistence of discrimination against women in two contexts: labor and sexual violence. To achieve this, this work brought together three investigations that adopt as theoretical reference the assumptions of the theory of intergroup relations (Tajfel, 1982). The first investigation analyzed the effect of the candidate's gender (male vs. female) and parental leave status (enjoy vs. dislike) on discrimination against women at work; as well as evaluating the attribution of stereotypic traits to such candidates in terms of dimensions of competence, sociability and morality. The applicant's gender and parental leave status interact and together influence discrimination (Study 1, N = 315). In turn, the woman on maternity leave was evaluated more positively in the three stereotypical dimensions when compared to the woman who had waived the license and worse in the competence dimension when compared to the man who enjoyed the same right (Study 2, N = 312). The second investigation examined the influence of group membership (ingroup vs. exogroup) and adherence to moral values and Fair World Belief in the accountability of women victims of sexual violence. The in-group victim was more responsible (Study 1, N = 250); and this relationship was moderated by the binding values (Study 2, N = 117) and by CMJ (Study 3, N = 258). Taken together, the results suggest that the responsibility of the victim of sexual violence is higher when she belongs to the in-group; and that this relationship is predicted by high adherence to binding values and low adherence to Belief in a Fair World (CMJ). Finally, the third investigation of this paper took a look at the testimonies of victims of violence in police vi investigations conducted between 2015 and 2017, with the purpose of investigating the configurations that violence against women can assume. KEYWORDS: psychosocial processes, discrimination, violence. PROCESSOS PSICOSSOCIAIS DE DICRIMINAÇÃO CONTRA A MULHER RESUMO: Esta tese tem como objetivo investigar quais processos psicossociais estão subjacentes à persistência da discriminação contra a mulher em dois contextos: laboral e de violência sexual. Para alcançá-lo este trabalho reuniu três investigações que adotam como referencial teórico os pressupostos da teoria das relações intergrupais (Tajfel, 1982). A primeira investigação analisou o efeito do sexo do candidato (homem vs. mulher) e do status referente à licença parental (desfruta vs. não desfruta) na discriminação contra a mulher no âmbito laboral; bem como avaliou a atribuição de traços estereotípicos para tais candidatos em termos das dimensões de competência, sociabilidade e moralidade. O sexo do candidato e o status referente à licença parental interagem e juntos influenciam a discriminação (Estudo 1, N = 315). Por sua vez, a mulher que disfrutava da licença por maternidade foi avaliada mais positivamente nas três dimensões estereotípicas quando comparada à mulher que tinha renunciado a licença e pior avaliada na dimensão de competência quando comparada ao homem que desfrutava do mesmo direito (Estudo 2, N = 312). A segunda investigação verificou a influência da pertença grupal (endogrupo vs. exogrupo) e da adesão aos valores morais e à Crença no Mundo Justo na responsabilização da mulher vítima da violência sexual por ela sofrida. A vítima do endogrupo foi mais responsabilizada (Estudo 1, N = 250); e essa relação foi moderada pelos valores vinculativos (Estudo 2, N = 117) e pela CMJ (Estudo 3, N = 258). Em conjunto, os resultados sugerem que a responsabilização da vítima de violência sexual é maior quando ela pertence ao endogrupo; e que esta relação é predita pela alta adesão aos valores vinculativos e baixa adesão à Crença no Mundo vii Justo (CMJ). Por fim, a terceira investigação desse trabalho lançou o olhar sobre os depoimentos das vítimas de violência presentes nos inquéritos policiais movimentados entre os anos de 2015 e 2017, com o propósito de investigar as configurações que a violência contra a mulher pode assumir. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: processos psicossociais, discriminação, violência. 1 CHAPTER I - GENERAL INTRODUCTION AND OBJECTIVES 2 INTRODUCTION Researches point out that one in each four women in the world is a victim of gender violence; and they estimate world wide that nearly 12 million are affected by sexual violence each year (Kiss et al., 2012; I paint et al, 2017; Waiselfisz, 2015). Additionally, both in Brazil and in Spain, though laws have been created aiming to remove this type discrimination, the wages disparities between men and women revolve around 20 % (CSW60, 2016; Ipea, 2016). This owes to itself, in parts, to historical factors such as the sexual division of roles based on social standards that they indicate what is "proper" for men and women (Aboim, 2012; Pérez, 2017; Pinker, 2011). In spite of how old this vision may be, it still persists in our modern age with new clothes. The general objective of this theory is, though, to investigate what psychosocial processes are underlying the persistence of this discrimination against women like a phenomenon that can be observed in different contexts. The perspective adopted in this work inserts itself in the presuppositions of the theory of the intergroup relations (Tajfel, 1982), that departs of the idea that the simple appurtenance conscience to a group (ex. endogrup) against another group (ex. exogrup) would be able to mobilize the discrimination (Billig & Tajfel, 1973; Tajfel, Billig, Bundy, & Flament, 1971). So, the conscience of who we are is built in through, historical, political, economical, relations in existence between the groups forming a determined society, implying the perception of the existence of social minorities and social majorities, which compete for symbolic and / or material resources. Important to emphasize that the distinction between majority and minority relate to the capacity of a group (and his members) to have access to the authorities of power of a given society (Moscovici & Zavalloni, 1969). 3 In this way, the women can be considered a social minority, since they have limited access to power in the personal, economical and political spheres (Connor, Glick, & Fiske, 2017; Taschler & West, 2017). So, in this theory both the prejudice and the result of discrimination (Brown, 2009) are understood in the frame of the existent relations of power between groups. Organization of the Thesis This theory was carried out in regime of joint supervision between the Federal University of Paraíba (UFPB), Brazil, and the Complutense University of Madrid (UCM), Spain, counting with the financial support of the CAPES/PDSE program. The thesis presents a consistent theoretical reference and three empirical investigations, which contribute in an integrated way to achieve the general objective. The investigations were conducted in Spain and Brazil. However, it is emphasized that these are not comparative investigations, but studies that adopt discrimination, analyzed based on violence against women, as an object of study and that consider how this phenomenon is shaped by the specific social dynamics of each one. those countries. Besides, the studies performed here used the work place as scenery of violence against the women, according to Pérez (2017), in them are found the most common forms of discrimination. In the first investigation, considering the discrimination against women in the work place, from two empirical studies it was tested the influences of stereotypes (Brambilla, Rusconi, Sacchi, & Cherubini, 2011; Leach, Ellemers, & Barreto, 2007); the sex of the candidate for a promotion in a company; and the status referring to the parental license as psychosocial factors that they favor and legitimize the maintenance of this discrimination. 4 The second investigation, constituted by a set of three empirical studies tested the hypothesis of the responsibility of the victim of sexual violence is moderated by the adhesion to the binding moral values (Graham, Haidt, & Nosek, 2009; Graham et al., 2013; Haidt & Joseph, 2004; Haidt 2001, 2007, 2012); and for the Belief in the Fair World (Lerner, 1980; Lerner & Miller, 1978). Finally, the third investigation of this work gave a step forward in launching a glance on the testimonies of the victims of violence through the police inquiries moved between the years of 2015 and 2017, with the purpose of investigating the configurations that violence against women can assume. 5 VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN The violence against women is a theme that calls attention for its extension, cultural transversality and persistence (Santoro, Martínez-Ferrer, Gimeno, & Musitu, 2018). According to a report from the World Health Organization (2013), 30% of the women in all over the world were assaulted somehow by their partners. Therefore, we can claim that, according to Rachel Connor, Peter Glick and Susan Fiske (2016), that the violence against women happens with disturbing frequency. In Brazil, the episodes of violence against women are characterized as grave, repetitive and with high magnitude (Batista, Schraiber, & D‟Oliveira, 2018; Dutra, Prates, Nakamura, & Villela, 2013; Shraiber, D‟Oliveira, França-Junior, Diniz, Portella, Ludemir et. al., 2007). In 2017, the rate was 4 dead women for each group of 100 thousand women, being 74% higher than the world average (UNODC, 2018). In this context, it is estimated that the violence practiced against women, in all over the world, be responsible for more deaths that the cancer, malaria, the traffic accidents and wars (Schraiber, D'Oliveira, Falcão, & Figueredo, 2005). Therefore, we can claim that it is a phenomenon elsewhere recognized and connected to the public health in world level (Garcia-Moreno et al., 2006; Krug, Dahlberg, Mercy, Zwi, & Lozano, 2002). The roots of the violence against women date back to the patriarchal system that reproduces gender inequalities. These, therefore, are complimentary, ranked hierarchically in the social structure and are configured as product of the large diffusion and acceptance of the sexist ideology (Connor, Glick, & Fiske, 2016; Johnson, Dowd, & Ridgeway, 2006; Santoro, Martínez-Ferrer, Gimeno, & Musitu, 2018). It is in this perspective that still today the women are not perceive as a “second sex” (Beauvoir, 1967), second category citizens, restricted to a framing of the patriarchal 6 culture, which imposes several limits to their effective access to the citizenship (Connor, Glick & Fiske, 2016; Morrell, Jewkes, & Lindegger, 2012). Historically, it is only in the 18 th century that the women begin their journey of recognition in the public spheres, when they took remarkable steps to gain space and voice in the decisions that, so far, were up to the men. To illustrate this movement, the French Revolution (1789-1799) can be cited when, even not having political representativeness in the works of the current Assembly, the women kept track of the political management (Schmidt, 2012). As early as the century XIX there was an awakening for the existing inequality between the genders, when the women started to questioning their existential position in the world and identified themselves as a group that shared denial of the same rights: not voting (and not to be voted), not being able to study of work and be under control of a masculine figure (father, husband etc.) (Miranda, 2013). The period between the First (1914-1918) and the Second World War (1939- 1945) was marked by the evasion of the men of the working market for the war front and, consequently, the occupation of the women in the spaces and functions that, so far, were exclusively masculine. Although, after the conflicts, there has been social incentive, especially at The United States, so that women came back to the private sphere. However, they did not accept passively the idea of returning to the household activities and was exactly this refusal of one of the embryos of the feminist movement of the second half of the 20 th century, characterized by the struggle for the right to vote, to abort, work equality, pleasure and against the patriarchate (De Jesus & Almeida, 2016). In Brazilian context, the influence of these ideas had significant impact in the discussion on the role of the woman in the society. Committed with the possibility of 7 working outside home and earning a salary, women were anxious for more conquests and social recognition. For this, it was necessary a change in the Brazilian Civil Code that, until the beginning of the 60s, treated women as unable beings. This modification happened with the implementation of the Law 4.121, or Statute of the Married Woman, in 1962, which represented one of the greatest progresses in the rights of the Brazilian women, who could enter freely in the work market, giving a new meaning to their image in the social decisions and family coexistence (Miranda, 2013). This Statute represented a signalization against the criminalization of the violence suffered by the women and that once was accepted by the society. From it the first women‟s police stations were created. However, there was not a legislation that punished criminally the authors of the crimes taking into consideration the specificity of the violence against the women (Maschio, 2013). The first women‟s Police Station (DEAMs) was set up in Sao Paulo in 1985 and was the result of the pressures exerted by the social movements. It is considered a historical milestone because it is the pioneer not only in Brazil, but also in Latin America (Santos, 2010). However, only after 1988, with the promulgation of the new constitution, when men and women began to be seen as having the same rights before the law (Miranda, 2013). Said in another way, the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Brazil (1988) ensures the right to life, liberty, equality, security and property. However, in practice there are still categorical structures of timeless genders, that define and model the social practices of men and women, which origin is related to different structures of power, which were historically, and culturally defined (Glick & Fiske, 2011). 8 In 1995, the law 9.099 was promulgated, also known as “Conciliatory Justice”, aiming to streamline the attendance of the police, as well as in the process proceeding given by the Judiciary power (Maschio, 2013). In this moment, a hope of protection to the integrity of the women and their rights emerged. However, several critics came up to the mentioned law. To Heleieth Saffioti (2004) the implementation of this law made the violence against women legal as its objective was the conciliation among the involved and not a punishment to the aggressor. It is in this sense that yet in the year of 1995 came into effect the Inter American Convention for Preventing, Punishing and Eradicating the Violence against Women project (Belém do Pará Convention). For the first time, the violence against women was framed as a violation of human rights, being configured in its 1 st Article: “any action or conduct, based on gender, that causes death, damage or physical, sexual or psychological suffering to the woman, either in the public or private ambit” (Bandeira & Almeida, 2015). In 1998, with the denouncement of Maria da Penha Maia Fernandes, who became paraplegic due to several attempted murder committed by her partner, the Brazilian Estate was put under pressure by the Inter American Commission of the Human Rights to adopt a new legislative form of thinking and punishing the violence of gender, as the crime remained unpunished until the international denouncement. This case culminated in one of the main public policies targeted to women: the Law 11.340 or Law Maria da Penha. Sanctioned in 2006, this law became one of the main world legislative advances for facing domestic violence, as it has social, preventive, protective, repressive besides establishing, under responsibility of the Estate, the guarantee of the security of the women in public and private space (Bandeira & Almeida 2015; Teodoro 2015). 9 In this sense, the Law Maria da Penha offers instruments for protection and emergency shelter to the victim be possible, guaranteeing social assistance and isolating her from the aggressor, treating therefore the problem of domestic violence completely (Cerqueira, Matos, Martins, & Pinto, 2015). According to the Article 5 of the Law Maria da Penha (11340/06), the domestic violence is defined as: any action or omission based on gender which causes death, lesion, physical, sexual or psychological suffering and moral or patrimonial damage in the ambit of the domestic unit (…) or in any intimate relationship of affection, in which the aggressor lives or has lived with the offended woman regardless living together (Law 11340, 1980). The Law Maria da Penha also provided the implementation of services of protection to the woman, like for example, the shelter houses, centres of multidisciplinary services, performing educative campaigns, capacitation of the members of public organizations, inclusion of contents about gender equity in the school curricula (Cerqueira, Matos, Martins & Pinto, 2015). However, although the law has represented a great advance regarding the guarantees of the rights of the women, the violence continues in large scale and there are still difficulties in the applicability of this law in Brazil (Campos, 2008; 2015; Jara, 2015). 10 GENDER STEREOTYPES The "Salary Gap and Glass Ceiling" report published in 2018 by the National Institute of Statistics and Geography, shows that women represent 16% of Spain's business sector and receive 30% less than men, which implies a salary difference that comes to 4.745 Euros per year. Here it is important to clarify that the term "glass ceiling" has been used to indicate the existence of a visible goal, but protected by an impassable barrier (Burgess, 2013; Connor, Glick, & Fiske, 2016). This scenario shows a limited access by women to power in the personal, economic, and political spheres which is being legitimized by gender stereotypes (Castillo-Mayén & Montes-Berges, 2014; Connor et al., 2016; Pedregosa & Díaz, 2016; Pereira, Álvaro, & Garrido, 2016). Gender-stereotype studies have been using one of the most influential models in Social Psychology: the Stereotype Content Model (SCM: Fiske, Cuddy, Glick, & Xu, 2002; Fiske, Xu, Cuddy, & Glick, 1999). This model defends the two-dimensionality of stereotypes by arguing that they vary systematically based on two universal dimensions: competence and sociability, through which it is possible, respectively, to know the capacity of others to achieve their goals and to anticipate the intentions of others with regard to ourselves (Cuddy et al., 2009). Gender stereotypes accentuate the inter-category differences (men vs. women) by offering a simplified version of reality. Therefore, gender as an immediately detected social category, chronically salient, relatively fixed, and easily polarized (Ellemers, 2018) has served historically to legitimize inequality between men and women and to naturalize women's invisibility in the public sphere (Garrido, Álvaro, & Torres, 2018). The studies on this theme have indicated, for example, that the way in which mothers 11 are perceived increases inequalities between men and women in the labor market (González, Cortina & Rodríguez, 2019). In this condition, they are assessed as less competent and more emotional compared to women who do not have children. Consequently, working mothers are less likely to be interviewed, hired, trained, or promoted compared to parents or women without children (Correll, Bernard, & Paik, 2007; Cuddy, Fiske, & Glick, 2004; Sullivan, 2015). Following this line of argument, while working mothers receive more negative assessments in terms of competence, a trait associated with high status occupations, men who have children are assessed as more sociable and ensure that perceived competence is maintained (Cuddy et al., 2004; Glick, Wilk, & Perreault, 1995). However, this two-dimensional model about the perception of people and groups has been questioned in the face of the argument that studies at the interpersonal level as well as at the group level (Brambilla, Rusconi, Sacchi, & Cherubini, 2011; Leach, Ellemers, & Barreto, 2007) have combined characteristics related to morality with others related to sociability, thus merging dimensions that are in reality distinct. As it were, even though morality and sociability form part of a broader dimension, termed "benevolence," they would be conceptually different (Leach et al., 2007). Morality includes traits such as honest, sincere, and trustworthy, while sociability includes traits such as pleasant, warm, and friendly. In this regard, the models formed by three dimensions (morality, sociability, and competence) have presented a better fit compared to the models formed solely of two dimensions in which morality and sociability appear joined (Brambilla et al., 2011; Leach et al., 2007; López-Rodríguez, Cuadrado, & Navas, 2013). 12 In addition, studies have shown that the morality dimension has been used as an "alternative" basis of positive evaluation for groups that are not successful (minority groups), which makes it difficult for them to receive positive assessments in terms of competence (e.g., Leach et al., 2007). However, although this theoretical model has been corroborated by recent studies (Brambilla et al., 2011; Cuadrado, López- Rodríguez, & Navas, 2016; López-Rodríguez et al., 2013), it has been little explored by studies that assess perceptions about men and women. 13 BELIEF IN A JUST WORLD Violence against women continues to produce increasingly alarming data. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), although the numbers are a partial reflection of reality, given the underreporting of cases, they are sufficient to define this serious violation of human rights and public health problem as a pandemic. The maintenance of this scenario is also due to the naturalization of phenomena such as secondary victimization which fuels the cycle of violence against women. Following this line of argument, the victim blaming for negative events, as one of the forms that secondary victimization can take, has been identified in various situations (Correia & Vala, 2003). Previous studies have shown that rape victims are vulnerable to this phenomenon (Campbell et al., 1999; Cubela, 1999) and are considered more to blame for the violence suffered in comparison to the victims of other types of crime (Angelone, Mitchell & Lucente, 2012). The propensity to attribute blame to rape victims has been examined by investigations in Social Psychology since the 1970s (Calhoun, Selby, & Warring, 1976; Cann, Calhoun & Selby, 1979; Donnerstein & Berkowitz, 1981; Janoff-Bulman, Timko & Carli, 1985; Muehlenhard, 1988; Muehlenhard & Rodgers, 1993; Ståhl, Eek, & Kazemi, 2010). In the meantime, although different theories have been proposed intending to understand this phenomenon, belief in a just world (BJW) (Lerner, 1980; Lerner & Miller, 1978) has been frequently cited in the literature on sexual violence (Grubb & Turner, 2012). Belief in a just world argues the existence of a motivational need for individuals to believe that the world is a fair place, where people have what they deserve and deserve what they have (Lerner, 1980; Lerner & Matthews, 1967). To preserve this 14 belief, they are motivated to reestablish it whenever it is threatened (Correia & Vala, 2003). Thus, victim blaming for the violence he or she experiences helps restore the belief that the world is an orderly and just place (Grubb & Turner, 2012). Following this line, previous investigations showed that high adherence to BJW predicts greater engagement in secondary victimization strategies (Aguiar, Vala, Correia, & Pereira, 2008; Correia & Vala, 2003; Correia, Vala, & Aguiar, 2001; Hafer & Bègue, 2005; Montada, 1998). More specifically, they have demonstrated the predictive value of BJW with respect to the derogation of sexual violence victims (e.g., Abrams, Viki, Masser, & Bohner, 2003, Sakallı-Uğurlu, Yalçın, & Glick, 2007, Valor- Segura, Expósito, & Moya, 2011). However, while these studies have achieved significant results in testing the relationship between secondary victimization and BJW, Niemi and Young (2016) argued that this theoretical model may be limited by the content of moral values, which would account for most of the variation in attitudes in relation to victims. 15 MORAL VALUES To follow this avenue of investigation, they used the multi-foundational model proposed by Moral Foundations Theory (MFT; Graham, Haidt, & Nosek, 2009; Graham et al., 2013; Haidt & Joseph, 2004; Haidt 2001, 2007, 2012), which emerges in opposition to theories based on moral reasoning (Jia & Krettenauer, 2017; Kohlberg, 1969). This model conceives of morality as a rapid, automatic process based on five intuitive foundations: harm, fairness, loyalty, authority, and purity. (Graham, Nosek, Haidt, Iyer, Koleva, & Ditto, 2011; Haidt, 2007). Each of these foundations refers to a specific motivation. The foundation of harm relates to caring for offspring and those who need to be protected, while the foundation of fairness refers to acting according to the norms within one's group. Loyalty, in turn, concerns the protection of a group's interests against rival groups, and that of authority concerns the respect of those who are superior to oneself in the social hierarchy, thus preserving social order. Finally, the foundation of purity pertains to the motivation to be pure, both physically and spiritually, respecting the sacred and suppressing carnal desires (Yilmaz, Harma, Bahçekapili & Cesur, 2016). Among the five foundations proposed by Graham et al. (2011), three (loyalty, authority, and purity) refer to interactions between individuals, and are based on the ideas of A. Fiske (1992) that people tend to organize and coordinate their social life in terms of the relationships they have with other people. In contrast, according to Graham et al. (2011), the other two foundations, harm and fairness, would be focused on the individual's own needs and would stem from liberal ideas that hold that individual rights and duties would come first, before collective interests. 16 Considering morality based on individual and collective protection (Davies, Sibley, & Liu, 2014), the five moral foundations can be organized into two higher order factors: one individualizing and another binding. The first, intended to protect the rights of the individual, aggregates the foundations of harm and fairness, while the second, related to maintaining group harmony, encompasses the foundations of loyalty, authority, and purity (Graham et al., 2009; Graham et al., 2011; Silvino et al., 2016; Yilmaz et al., 2016). On the other hand, it is also important to emphasize that these higher order factors have a great conceptual proximity with the individualist-collectivist dimension of the model by Schwartz and Bilsky (1987; 1990). Thus, according to Schwartz (1992), individuals from collectivist cultures tend to be more concerned with maintaining group cohesion and harmony vs. the interests of the individual, while individualistic cultures show greater concern for the protection of the differences between group members and the defense of individual interests and rights vs. those collective. 17 SOCIAL IDENTITY Another aspect considered in the analytical perspective adopted in this research is based on the assumptions of social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979), whose central idea is that when people categorize themselves as members of social groups, they begin to define themselves in terms of their group affiliations, and no longer due to their individual characteristics alone. This categorization accentuates intragroup similarities and differences between groups (Correia, Alves, Morais & Ramos, 2015). In this sense, studies have demonstrated the importance of considering the group affiliation of the victim to explain the phenomenon of blaming the victim based on the belief in a just world (Halabi, Statman & Dovidio, 2015; Hayes, Lorenz & Bell, 2013; Modesto & Pilati, 2017; Russell & Hand, 2017). Aligned with theoretical arguments presented up to this point, studies on secondary victimization have underscored that people with greater endorsement of individualizing values do not attribute blame for the event to the victim of a moral injury (Schein & Gray, 2015). In contrast, greater endorsement of binding values would be related to greater derogation of the victim, regardless of the type of crime and the political orientation of the observer (Niemi & Yong, 2016). However, it is noteworthy that no studies have been found in the literature that have tested the effect of the victim's group membership on attributed responsibility for the violence suffered, through adherence to moral values. 18 CHAPTER II – GENDER STEREOTYPES AND DISCRIMINATION AGAINST WOMEN 19 The objective of this work was to analyze the influence of stereotypes on discrimination against women. Specifically, it examined the effects of the candidate's gender (man vs. woman), the status regarding parental leave (exercising the right vs. waiving the right), and the stereotypes of competence, sociability, and morality on this discrimination. In order to meet this objective, two hypotheses were established that guided the conduct of two studies. In Study 1, Hypothesis 1 (H1) was tested: the gender of the candidate (man vs. woman) and the status regarding parental leave (exercising the right vs. waiving the right) influence the assignment of positions of higher status and responsibility in a hierarchical organizational structure. In Study 2, the second Hypothesis (H2) was tested: the woman who exercises the right to parental leave will be stereotyped as more sociable and moral, and as less competent, compared to the woman who waives the right to the leave, and to the man who exercises the same right. Study 1 In the first study, hypothesis 1 (H1) was tested experimentally: the candidate's gender (man vs. woman) and parental leave status (exercising the right vs. waiving the right) influence the assignment of positions of higher status and responsibility in a hierarchical organizational structure. This hypothesis was raised in line with previous studies showing that employers create distinct expectations for female and male employees (Eagly, Wood, & Diekman, 2000) and that women continue to encounter barriers that prevent them from occupying upper management positions (Heilman & Okimoto, 2008), facing a higher level of job insecurity and receiving lower pay. On top of this, when they become mothers they are judged by different standards in the workplace, compared to fathers (Garrido et al., 2018). 20 In this regard, considering that minority status leads to more stereotyped characterizations and less chance of being selected or promoted (Heilman, 2012), it is expected that the woman exercising the right to parental leave will be discriminated against threefold: for being a woman, a mother, and for exercising the right to parental leave, being absent from the workplace. Method a) Participants and Design Study participants included 315 members of the general population of Spanish nationality, ages 18 to 57 years (M = 33.18, SD = 14.34). Sampling was non- probabilistic, snowball type. Most participants (55.90%) were female. The study utilized repeated measure design. b) Procedures SurveyMonkey software was used to administer online questionnaires. c) Instruments Discrimination. Michinov, Dambrun, Guimond and Méot (2005), using Macintosh software applications (HyperCard 2.3), developed a method to measure discrimination through participant decision making on how to best organize an office staff composed of various employees. They were then presented a hierarchical structure composed of four levels. This assignment task offered two measures of discrimination: the position in the hierarchy and the order in which they were assigned. More specifically, participants were asked to assume that they were part of an office staff composed of 6 employees plus themselves. The images of these employees 21 (drawings of white and dark-skinned people) were presented on the screen and were identified by a first name. There were 3 women (2 Europeans with fair skin and 1 of them African with dark skin) and 3 men (2 Europeans with fair skin and 1 of them African with dark skin). The first names served to reinforce the ethnicity of each of these co-workers. For the present study, some modifications were made. The assignments of the job positions chosen by the participants on the computer were recorded by the SurveyMonkey software. Six employees made up the office staff, being 3 women (2 without labels and 1 with the label "exercises right to parental leave") and 3 men (2 without labels and 1 with the label: "exercises right to parental leave"). Regarding the measures of discrimination, only the position in which each employee was placed was being evaluated. Higher scores reflected lower positions in the company's hierarchical structure. d) Data analysis A repeated measures analysis was carried out using a mixed model to demonstrate the effect of the candidate's gender and the status regarding parental leave (exercise right vs. waive right) on discrimination. Results Repeated measures analysis using a mixed model revealed a significant interaction effect between candidate gender and parental leave status F(1, 229) = 22.45, p < .001. The main effect of candidate gender F(1, 6) = 3.98, p = .08 was not significant. In turn, the main effect of parental leave status F(1, 214) = 21.39, p < .001 was significant. The analysis of the interaction effects revealed that discrimination 22 (operationalized in terms of the assignment to positions in a hierarchical organizational structure) varies according to the candidate's gender and parental leave status (exercising the right vs. waiving the right). Analyzing the interaction effect between candidate gender and parental leave status, a closer look at the data indicates that there are no statistically significant differences in the hierarchical structure between the man who exercises his right to leave (M = 4.47, SD = 0.11) and the man who does not exercise this right (M = 4.47, SD = 0.08). In contrast, the woman who exercises her right to the leave is assigned positions further from the top of the hierarchy (M = 4.74, SD = 0.11), compared to the woman who does not exercise this right (M = 3.79, SD = 0.08). Together these results suggest that in the interaction between these two variables (candidate gender and parental leave status), gender, rather than the leave status itself, structures the discrimination. The means are summarized in Figure 1. Figure 1. Positions in the hierarchical structure of the company by candidate gender and parental leave status (exercises the right vs. waives the right). 23 Discussion The results found here confirm Hypothesis 1 (H1), demonstrating that the fact that the man exercising his parental leave right is not impeded from being assigned high status positions in the hierarchical organizational structure. In contrast, we observed the assignment of positions further from the top of the hierarchy for the woman when she exercises her right to the leave. Thus, although a study of more than 40,000 employees in 36 countries has shown that men and women report similar problems in combining work and family roles (Lyness & Judiesch, 2014), the results found here are consistent with previous investigations demonstrating that men, compared to women, are not susceptible to the same negative perceptions when they become parents (Gungor & Biernat, 2009). In addition, promotion becomes increasingly difficult for women compared to men as they move up the organizational hierarchy, suggesting that women face obstacles to attaining positions of success (Heilman, 2012). In other words, we observe that in exercising this right as it is, parental leave has negative effects for the woman, which means that the she sees her professional career interrupted. In the case of the man, exercising the right to parental leave does not have negative consequences in the workplace. Once this result was verified, the second study of this investigation aimed to answer the following question: To what extent do stereotypes contribute toward explaining the situation of discrimination against women in the workplace? 24 Study 2 The objective of this study was to test the hypothesis (H2) that the woman who exercises the right to parental leave will be stereotyped as more sociable and moral, and as less competent, compared to the woman who waives her right to the leave, and to the man who exercises the same right. This hypothesis is based on earlier works that indicate stereotypes as providers of viable explanations for gender inequalities, justifying social positions as deserved and appropriate, and reducing the possibility of social change (Cundiff & Vescio, 2016; Ellemers, 2018). In addition, it corroborates previous investigations studying the strength of gender stereotypes in supporting the idea that men and women are different in relation to the characteristics associated with commitment and productivity in the workplace; they describe men as rational and independent, and women as affective, helpful, and devoid of the attributes necessary for success (Burgess, 2013; Heilman, 2012; Heilman & Okimoto, 2008); and demonstrate the challenges women face in advancing their professional careers (Albiston, 2007; Kricheli-Katz, 2012), especially when they become mothers (Correll et al., 2007). Method a) Participants and Design Study participants included 312 members of the general population of Spanish nationality, ages 18 to 59 years (M = 33.01, SD = 14.67). Sampling was non- probabilistic, snowball type. Most participants (57.4%) were female. The study utilized 25 repeated measure design and the designation of participants for each of the conditions occurred in a random manner. b) Procedures The procedure used was the same as in Study 1. c) Instruments Experimental Manipulation. The instrument used presented an account of a situation that occurred in a company's promotion process, involving two candidates. The report varied over three levels according to the gender of the candidates who were competing (man vs. man / woman vs. woman / man vs. woman) and over two levels according to the candidate's situation (exercised the right to parental leave vs. waived the right to parental leave), which resulted in six experimental conditions. In the situation involving two men, in one condition the candidate exercising the right to the leave was promoted, and in the other the candidate who had waived his right to the leave received the promotion. The same manipulation was used in the condition involving two women. When the case involved a man and a woman, both of them exercised the right to the leave and the manipulation was done only on the gender of the candidate. In other words, in one condition the man was promoted and in the other the woman was the one who received the promotion. Stereotypes. The scale used was that of Cuadrado, López-Rodríguez and Navas (2016), elaborated from the works of Fiske et al. (2002), Leach et al. (2007), and Brambilla et al. (2011). The scale contains eighteen items with a 5-point Likert type response format, ranging from 1 (not at all) to 5 (very much). Participants answered: "Think of the person who was promoted by the company and tell us to what extent you 26 believe that each of the following characteristics describes that person." Examples of the items include: morality (honest, sincere, fair); sociability (friendly, helpful, pleasant); competence (reliable, intelligent, competent). Through a principle components analysis, using varimax rotation, the items were grouped into three factors (sample adequacy index, KMO = .94, X² (153) = 3799.03, p < .001), which together explain 67.03% of the total variance. The reliability index for each of the factors: Morality (Cronbach's α = .87); Sociability (Cronbach's α = 0.87); and Competence (Cronbach's α = 0.90). d) Data analysis The repeated measures ANOVA revealed a significant triple-interaction effect between candidate gender, candidate situation, and the three dimensions of stereotypes F(4, 587) = 2.73, p = 0.03, ƞ² = 0.01. The corresponding post hoc analyses revealed that, in relation to the competency dimension (p = .058), the man who exercised the right to parental leave is perceived as more competent than the man who waived it. And the woman who exercises the right to parental leave, compared to the woman who waives it, is considered more competent, while compared to the man who exercises the same right, she is considered less competent (Table 1.1). 27 Table 1.1 Descriptive statistics for the competence stereotype dimension in the different groups Candidate gender and parental leave condition Candidate promoted Stereotype Dimension N M SD Man exercising the right promoted Competence 64 4.10 0.77 Man who exercises the right vs. man who waives the right Man waiving the right promoted 58 3.55 0.87 Woman exercising the right promoted 59 4.02 0.69 Woman who exercises the right vs. woman who waives the right Woman waiving the right promoted 34 3.65 0.98 Man exercising the right promoted 49 4.02 0.80 Man who exercises the right vs. woman who exercises the right Woman exercising the right promoted 48 4.00 0.79 Total 312 3.91 0.83 Note: Scores range from 1 (not at all) to 5 (very much). In relation to sociability (p < .001), the man who exercises the right to parental leave is perceived as more sociable than the man who waives it. The woman who exercises the same right is assessed as more sociable, both compared to the woman who 28 waives the right to the leave and compared to the man who exercises the same right (Table 1.2). Table 1.2 Descriptive statistics for the sociability stereotype dimension in the different groups Candidate gender and parental leave condition Candidate promoted Stereotype Dimension N M SD Man exercising the right promoted Sociability 64 3.71 0.80 Man who exercises the right vs. man who waives the right Man waiving the right promoted 58 3.04 0.63 Woman exercising the right promoted 59 3.47 0.61 Woman who exercises the right vs. woman who waives the right Woman waiving the right promoted 34 3.16 0.46 Man exercising the right promoted 49 3.51 0.82 Man who exercises the right vs. woman who exercises the right Woman exercising the right promoted 48 3.61 0.73 Total 312 3.44 0.73 Note: Scores range from 1 (not at all) to 5 (very much). Finally, the analysis done on the morality stereotype dimension (p < .001) revealed the same pattern found in the assessment on sociability. In other words, the 29 man who exercises the right to the leave was perceived as more moral in relation to the man who waived it, and the woman who exercises the right to the leave was stereotyped as more moral than the woman who waives the right that is guaranteed to her, and than the man who exercises the same right (Table 1.3). Table 1.3 Descriptive statistics for the morality stereotype dimension in the different groups Candidate gender and parental leave condition Candidate promoted Stereotype Dimension N M SD Man exercising the right promoted 64 3.94 0.87 Man who exercises the right vs. man who waives the right Morality Man waiving the right promoted 58 3.06 0.96 Woman exercising the right promoted 59 3.78 0.83 Woman who exercises the right vs. woman who waives the right Woman waiving the right promoted 34 3.27 1.01 Man exercising the right promoted 49 3.69 1.01 Man who exercises the right vs. woman who exercises the right Woman exercising the right promoted 48 3.93 0.77 Total 312 3.63 0.96 Note: Scores range from 1 (not at all) to 5 (very much). 30 Discussion The results found partially confirm the hypothesis (H2), since in the competence dimension the woman who decides to benefit from the right to maternity is perceived as more competent. Specifically, in the dimensions of sociability and morality the data obtained corroborate the hypothesis. However, regarding competence, the woman who exercises the right to parental leave is assessed as less competent than the man who exercises the same right, but is better evaluated in relation to the woman who waives her right to leave. Together, the results presented here are consistent with the argument that stereotypes support the status quo, legitimizing the hierarchical system and contributing to the persistence of disparities between men and women (Glick & Fiske, 2001a; Cuddy et al. 2004), since women continue to be assessed as less competent in relation to men who exercise the same right, guaranteeing their inferior status in the workplace. However, exercising the right to parental leave generated a more positive assessment for a woman compared to the one who had given up the leave that was rightfully hers. This result is consistent with the assumption that the mother who waives the right to parental leave may have been assessed more negatively for violating the gender stereotype that links the mother to the physical and emotional care of her children (Etaugh & Folger, 1998). In this regard, previous studies have found that employed mothers who do not conform to "appropriate" gender expectations are diminished as caregivers, and their performance and competence at work are questionable (Albiston, 2007; Benard & Correll, 2010; Sterling & Reichman, 2016). Moreover, in the workplace, a break from 31 traditional gender roles is connected with penalties such as lower pay, less willingness to hire and promote and fewer recommendations for organizational rewards (Heilman & Chen, 2005). On the other hand, the results found concerning the stereotyping of women who exercise the right to parental leave (compared to those who waive the right) as more competent, moral, and sociable diverges from what has been shown in previous studies. In the studies by Cuddy, Fiske and Glick (2004), for example, working mothers were perceived as competent, but less sociable when compared to mothers who did not work. Following that same line, the results found here are also in line with previous investigations that pointed out that the increase in gender salience (e.g., maternity) guarantees more negative assessments when compared to men or women who do not share these personal attributes (Burgess, 2013; Heilman & Okimoto, 2008). However, the findings regarding the assessment of the woman who exercises the right to parental leave as more moral suggest, as has been pointed out in previous studies, that the morality dimension has acted as an alternative basis of positive evaluation for those social categories that are perceived as less competent (Leach et al., 2007). Regarding the assessments of the men (who exercise the right to parental leave vs. those who waive the right to parental leave), the stereotypical attributions revealed that the man who exercises the right to the leave is more positively assessed in the three dimensions, and these results confirm what others studies have already shown: the men who exercise the right to parental leave continue to be seen as competent and producing direct gains for their partners (Bygren, Erlandsson & Gähler, 2017; Johansson, 2010). Which determines that, in addition to being competent, they are considered more sociable and moral. Thus, men with children are significantly less likely to be 32 discriminated against in the workplace, compared to the mothers (Plickert & Sterling, 2017). General Discussion and Conclusion Broadening our understanding of the phenomenon of discrimination against women in the workplace, this research provides evidence that the candidate's gender (female vs. male) and parental leave status (exercising the right vs. waiving the right) interact and together influence discrimination against women in the working world (e.g., Benard & Correll, 2010; Sterling & Reichman, 2016). In turn, the stereotyping assessments with respect to the dimensions of competence, sociability, and morality contribute toward justifying the continuation of this phenomenon. Relevant in this work is the confirmation of the use of the morality dimension as an "alternative" basis of positive evaluation for women, since it is difficult for them to receive positive assessments in terms of competence when compared to men (Leach et al., 2007). As a whole, the variables investigated here (candidate gender, parental leave status, and stereotypes) contribute to the maintenance of the glass ceiling (Connor, Glick, & Fiske, 2016). In the same direction as the findings of Glick, Wilk, and Pereault (1995), the competence stereotype dimension seems to continue to be the one that most significantly predicts the occupation of high status jobs. In the comparison between men and women who exercise the right to parental leave, although the woman may have been assessed as more moral and sociable, she was considered less competent compared to the man, which contributes to legitimizing the differences between men and women in the workplace hierarchy. 33 In addition, although the results corroborate the notion that children produce a direct or indirect increase in gender differences in the labor market (Flaquer & Escobedo, 2014; Livermore, Rodgers, & Siminski, 2011), this study indicates that this factor is not sufficient to explain discrimination against women in this context. Thus, the present work reinforces the argument that gender equality in the workplace will not be achieved without substantial changes in the traditional gender roles, although granted there may have been significant changes in gender stereotypes, especially in the feminine, a number of the traditional stereotypes remain in force, influencing, in a differentiated way, intergroup relations and discrimination against women (Ellemers, 2018). In this regard, actions and policies for gender equality could envisage proposals aimed at promoting effective changes in the construction of gender roles; just as future studies could investigate issues that would support the development of such practices. Other viable solutions to eradicate the phenomenon of discrimination against women in the workplace pertain to the use of "gender-fair" language in the descriptions and announcements of traditionally male jobs (Horvath & Sczesny, 2011); employing women in traditionally male roles in organizations (Heilman, 2012); and support for employees in reconciling stereotyped role expectations between men and women in relation to work and family needs (Ellemers, 2018). Finally, given the gaps left by these studies, future investigations could consider looking into what other psychosocial processes, such as Sexism (Glick & Fiske, 1996) and Social Dominance Orientation (Pratto, Sidanius, Stallworth, & Malle, 1994), underlie the maintenance of the phenomenon of discrimination against women in the workplace. 34 CHAPTER III - GROUP MEMBERSHIP, MORAL VALUES, BELIEF IN A JUST WORLD AND DISCRIMINATION AGAINST WOMEN 35 The overall objective of this study was to investigate the relationship between the victim's group membership (ingroup vs. outgroup) and secondary victimization (operationalized by attributing blame to the victim for the violence suffered by the victim). In turn, the specific objectives were to analyze the moderating effect of moral values, and of belief in a just world, on this relationship. To meet these objectives, five hypotheses were established, which guided the conduct of three empirical studies. Study 1 tested Hypothesis 1 (H1): the victim who is from the ingroup (Spanish) will be blamed more than the victim from the outgroup (Cuban). In Study 2 we tested: Hypothesis 2a (H2a), that the blame of the victim from the ingroup (Spanish) will be greater when there is high adherence to binding values; and Hypothesis 2b (H2b), that adherence to individualizing values will not predict greater victim blaming regardless of group membership. Finally, in Study 3 we tested: Hypothesis 3a (H3a), that adherence to belief in a just world, together with high adherence to binding values, will predict greater blame for the victim from the ingroup (Spanish); and Hypothesis 3b (H3b), that adherence to individualizing values will not predict victim blaming, regardless of group membership and participant adherence to BJW. This work was conformed to all American Psychological Association (APA) guidelines for research with human participants. Study 1 In this first study, Hypothesis 1 (H1) was tested experimentally: the victim from the ingroup (Spanish) will be blamed more than the victim from the outgroup (Cuban). This hypothesis was raised considering the theorizing by Lerner and Miller (1978) arguing that people are mainly concerned with their own world; and thus, the 36 closer that injustices approach their group, the more they are motivated to explain or make sense of the event, than when it occurs in other settings (Aguiar et al., 2008). Method a) Participants and Design This study included 250 persons from the general population (considering the 17 autonomous communities of Spain) of Spanish nationality, ages 17-67 years (M = 33, SD = 14.92). Sampling was non-probabilistic, snowball type (individuals selected to be studied invite new participants). The majority of participants (52%) were female. The design used was between participants and the designation of participants for each of the conditions occurred in a random manner. b) Procedures SurveyMonkey software was used to apply online questionnaires. c) Instruments Experimental Manipulation: The instrument used presented a vignette reporting a case of sexual violence involving two co-workers, Ana and Enrique, who are single and have known each other for some time. After a dinner, she invites him to continue conversing at her house, they exchange a few kisses, and against Ana's resistance, Enrique grabs her forcefully and continues kissing her until consummating the act. The vignette varied on two levels, depending on the victim's group membership. In one condition, the ingroup (Spanish victim) was emphasized. In the other condition, the victim was Cuban (outgroup member). Each participant responded to only one of the experimental conditions. Victim blaming: Using a six-point Likert scale (1 = Not at all - 6 = Largely), participants had to indicate: To what extent do you think Ana is responsible for what happened? 37 d) Data Analysis The analysis was conducted using SPSS software (Statistical Package for the Social Sciences), version 20. For the comparison between the experimental conditions, a t-test for independent measurements was performed with the victim's group membership (Spanish vs. Cuban) as the independent variable and the victim blaming as the dependent variable. Results Based on estimated means, the t-test for independent measures revealed that, on average, the participants attributed more responsibility to the victim when she belonged to the ingroup - Spanish (M = 1.76, SD = 1.26) than when she belonged to the outgroup - Cuban (M = 1.43 , SD = .80). This difference, 0.132, 95% CI [-.586, -.065], was significant t (225) = -2.46, p = .015, d = .31. The means are summarized in Figure 2.1. Figure 2.1 Victim blaming according to the victim's group membership. 38 Partial Discussion The result found supported Hypothesis 1 (H1) in demonstrating that the victim blaming varies according to her group membership. When the victim is from the ingroup (Spanish) she is blamed more. This result is consistent with the hypothesis formulated by Lerner and Miller (1978) that people are more motivated to justify events when they occur in their own group; with the notion that the victim from the ingroup is more threatening to the belief in a just world (Correia, Vala, & Aguiar, 2007); and with the previous study conducted by Aguiar et al. (2008) where it is pointed out that the victim from the ingroup is blamed more for the undeserved fate. Considering previous investigations that point to the influence of gender on the attribution of responsibility to the victim of sexual violence (Bendixen, Henriksen, & Nostdahl, 2014; Durán, Moyan Megías, & Viki, 2010; Paul, Kehn, Gray, & Salapska- Gelleri, 2014), we tested the alternative hypothesis that the gender of the research participant influences his/her perception about the woman's blame for the violence she suffered. However, on performing a 2 × 2 ANOVA, the statistical test revealed a non- significant interaction effect between the victim's group membership and the participant's gender F(1, 246) = 1.06, ns. Corroborating previous studies (Mandela, 2011; Newcombe, Van den Eynde, Hafner, & Jolly, 2008; Strömwall, Alfredsson, & Landström, 2013), the result indicates that participant gender has no influence on the degree of responsibility attributed to the victim for the violence she suffered. 39 Given these results, another investigative path was taken. Thus, based on the study by Niemi and Young (2016) demonstrating that moral values would be the driving force for discrimination and blame regarding the victim, the second study presented here aimed to verify the moderating effect of moral values on the relationship between group membership of the victim and secondary victimization. Study 2 This study aimed to experimentally test: Hypothesis 2a (H2a), that the blame of the victim from the ingroup (Spanish) will be greater when there is high adherence to binding values; and Hypothesis 2b (H2b), that adherence to individualizing values will not predict greater victim blaming regardless of group membership. It was expected that the relationship between the victim's group membership and secondary victimization would be moderated by binding values, such that high adherence to binding values (and not individualizing ones) would imply greater blame attributed to the victim from the ingroup (Spanish). The hypotheses presented are based on the assumption from MFT (Graham et al., 2009; Graham et al., 2013; Haidt & Joseph, 2004; Haidt 2001,2007,2012) that while individualizing values are related to the protection of individual rights, avoiding harm (e.g., secondary victimization) and ensuring fairness, binding values are intended to assess actions in terms of loyalty, authority, and purity, and protect the group, even if this means the victim must be blamed (Graham et al., 2011; Niemi & Young, 2016; Yilmaz et al., 2016). Method a) Participants and Design 40 A total of 117 people from the general population (considering the 17 autonomous communities of Spain) of Spanish nationality, with ages between 18 and 55 years (M = 29.48, SD = 13.20) participated in this study. Sampling was non- probabilistic, snowball type (individuals selected to be studied invite new participants). The majority of participants (59%) were female. The design used was between participants and the assignment of participants for each of the conditions occurred in a random manner. b) Procedures SurveyMonkey software was used to apply online questionnaires. c) Instruments Experimental Manipulation: The instrument and the manipulation used in this study were the same as in Study 1. Victim blaming: Using a six-point Likert scale (1 = Not at all - 6 = Largely), participants had to indicate: To what extent do you think Ana is responsible for what happened? Moral Values: These were evaluated using a version of the Moral Foundations Questionnaire (MFQ; Graham et al., 2011) translated into Spanish by Bedregal and León (2008), through which 30 items represent the five moral foundations (loyalty, authority, purity, harm, and fairness). An example of the items of these foundations includes: a) loyalty: "People should be loyal to the members of their family, even if they have done something wrong"; b) authority: "If someone does or does not show disrespect for authority"; c) purity: "Chastity is an important and valuable virtue"; d) harm: "It will never be right to kill a human being"; and e) fairness: "Justice is the most important requirement for a society". Using a principal components analysis with 41 varimax rotation, the items were grouped into two factors (sample adequacy measure, KMO = .643, X² (10) = 206.23, p < .001). A reliability analysis revealed a moderate index (Cronbach's α = .66) for Factor 1, representing the binding values (30.53% of the variance; high loadings for loyalty, authority, and purity values; and low loadings for harm and fairness values); and a strong index (Cronbach's α = .86) for Factor 2, representing the individualizing values (46.61% of the variance; high loadings for harm and fairness foundations; and low loadings for loyalty, authority, and purity foundations). d) Data Analysis The analyses performed in this study were conducted using the same Software as the previous study. For the tests of the effects of the binding values and individualizing values on the relationship between group membership and victim responsibility, linear regressions were run. The moderation hypothesis was tested, according to area recommendations (Hayes, 2013), with the use of PROCESS. The first one had the sexual violence victim's group membership (ingroup vs. outgroup) as an independent variable (IV), the victim blaming as the dependent variable (DV), and the binding values as a moderating variable (MV); The second had the same IV and DV, and the individualizing values as a moderating variable (MV). The theoretical interaction model used in this study is illustrated in Figure 2.2. 42 Figure 2.2 Theoretical interaction model used in Study 2. Results Multiple linear regression analyses revealed a statistically significant interaction effect between the victim's group membership (IV), victim blaming (DV), and binding values as a moderating variable (MV). The same result was not found regarding individualizing values. The results indicate that the interaction between victim's group membership and adherence to binding values predicts, significantly, victim blaming. F (3, 113) = 3.16, p = .02. Analysis of the conditional effects indicated that differences in victim blaming in relation to group membership are statistically significant when there is high adherence to binding values (+1 SD above the mean) (b = 1.25, SE = .40, t(113) = 3.07, p = .002), since the victim from the ingroup (Spanish) (Y = 3.08) was blamed more than the victim from the outgroup (Cuban) (Y = 1.82). When there is low adherence to binding values (- 43 1 SD below the mean), the differences are not statistically significant (b = .11, SE = .39, t(113) = .29, ns). The means are summarized in Figure 2.3. The same analysis of interaction was performed in relation to individualizing values, however this dimension did not present significant effects in the relationship between group membership of the victim and blame for the violation suffered (b = -.90, SE = .81, t(113) = - 1.11, ns). Figure 2.3 Victim blaming in relation to victim's group membership and level of adherence to binding values. Partial Discussion Confirming hypotheses 2a (H2a) and 2b (H2b), the results observed indicate that the relationship between the victim's group membership and the victim blaming for the violence suffered is moderated by binding values, such that greater adherence to these values leads to greater blame of the victim from the ingroup; and that individualizing values do not predict greater victim blaming, regardless of the victim's group membership. 44 The results obtained corroborate the previous study that indicated the predictive effect of binding values regarding derogation of the victim (Niemi & Young, 2016); and previous research that defends the notion that individualizing values are related to protection of the individual, and do not predict harm, such as secondary victimization (Schein & Gray, 2015). In addition, confirming the results found in Study 1, these data highlight the effect of the victim's group membership on the phenomenon of blaming the woman for the sexual violence she suffered. In order to analyze the moderating effect of belief in a just world, in the interaction found in the present study, Study 3 was carried out. Study 3 The third study in this work examined hypotheses 3a (H3a), that adherence to belief in a just world, together with high adherence to binding values, will predict greater blame of the victim from the ingroup (Spanish); and Hypothesis 3b (H3b), that adherence to individualizing values will not predict victim blaming, regardless of group membership and participant adherence to BJW. These hypotheses were formulated considering previous studies that have demonstrated the predictive effect of belief in a just world regarding the blaming of sexual violence victims (e.g., Abrams et al., 2003; Ferrão & Gonçalves, 2015; Sakallı- Uğurlu et al., 2007; Valor-Segura et al., 2011); and the argument that the relationship between this belief and derogation of the victim is limited by moral values (Niemi & Young, 2016). 45 Method a) Participants and Design A total of 258 persons from the general population (considering the 17 autonomous communities of Spain) of Spanish nationality, with ages between 18 and 58 years (M = 34.50, SD = 14.70) participated in this study. Sampling was non- probabilistic, snowball type (individuals selected to be studied invite new participants). The majority of participants (57.4%) were female. The design used was between participants and the assignment of participants for each of the conditions occurred in a random manner. b) Procedures SurveyMonkey software was used to apply online questionnaires. c) Instruments Experimental Manipulation: The instrument and the manipulation used in this study were the same as in Studies 1 and 2. Victim blaming: Using a six-point Likert scale (1 = Not at all - 6 = Largely), participants had to indicate: To what extent do you think Ana is responsible for what happened? Moral Values: To assess moral values, participants again completed the 30 items of the Spanish version of the Moral Foundations Questionnaire (MFQ; Graham et al., 2011) translated by Bedregal and León (2008). Using principal components analysis with varimax rotation, the two-factor structure of the scale (sample adequacy measure, KMO = .616, X²(10) = 313.67, p < .001) was confirmed. A reliability analysis revealed moderate indexes (Cronbach's α = .73) for Factor 1 representing "binding values" 46 (42.4% of the variance) and (Cronbach's α = .77) for Factor 2 representing "individualizing values" (30.0% of the variance). Belief in a Just World (BJW): Version of the Lipikus scale (1991) validated in Spanish by Barreiro, Etchezahar, and Prado-Gascó (2014). The scale contains seven items, in a six-point Likert format (1 = Completely Disagree and 6 = Completely Agree), that represent belief in a just world. Examples of items about these beliefs include: I believe that people get what they have a right to have; I think people get what they deserve; Basically I think the world is a fair place. By means of a principal components analysis, using varimax rotation, the items were grouped into one factor (sample adequacy measure, KMO = .774, X²(21) = 356.45, p < .001). A reliability analysis revealed a moderate index (Cronbach's α = .68). High scores on this scale indicated greater adherence to belief in a just world. d) Data analysis The analyses carried out in this study were conducted using the same Software as the previous studies. For the tests of the effects of binding values, individualizing values, and belief in a just world on the relationship between group membership and victim responsibility, linear regressions were run. The moderation hypothesis was tested, according to area recommendations (Hayes, 2013), with the use of PROCESS. The first one had the sexual violence victim's group membership (ingroup vs. outgroup) as an independent variable (IV), the victim blaming as the dependent variable (DV), binding values as a primary moderating variable (MV1ª), and belief in a just world as a secondary moderating variable (MV2ª); the second had the same IV, DV, and MV2ª, and individualizing values as the primary moderating variable (MV1ª). The theoretical interaction model used in this study is illustrated in Figure 2.4. 47 Figure 2.4 The triple-interaction theoretical model used in Study 3. Results Multiple linear regression analyses revealed a statistically significant triple interaction effect between the victim's group membership (IV), victim blaming (DV), binding values (MV1ª), and BJW (MV2ª). The same result was not found in relation to individualizing values as the primary moderating variable. The results indicate that the triple interaction between victim's group membership, adherence to binding values, and BJW predicts, significantly, victim blaming. F (1, 250) = 3.74, p = .05. Analysis of the conditional effects indicated that the differences in the victim blaming in relation to group membership are statistically significant when there is high adherence to binding values (+1 SD above the mean) and low BJW (-1 SD below the mean) (b = 1.18, SE = .36, t(250) = 3.23, p = .001). In the interaction between binding values and BJW, the violence victim blaming is greater when the victim is from the ingroup (Spanish) (Y = 2.51) than when she is from the outgroup (Cuban) (Y = 1.32). When there is high adherence to BJW (+1SD), 48 even though adherence to binding values is high (+1SD), the differences in the victim blaming with respect to the victim's group membership are not significant (b = .26, SE = .23, t(250) = 1.03, ns). The means are summarized in Figure 2.5. The same analysis was performed with respect to individualizing values, however, it was found that they do not play a moderating role in the relationship of the victim's group membership and BJW with the woman's blame for the violence she suffered (b = .76, SE =. 44, t(250) = 1.73, ns). Figure 2.5 Victim blaming in relation to victim's group membership and adherence to BJW when there is high adherence to binding values. Discussion Together, the results supported hypotheses 3a (H3a) and 3b (H3b), since the sexual violence victim blaming varied according to the victim's group membership, the participants' high adherence to binding values, and adherence to belief in a just world; and since individualizing values, in turn, did not exert a moderating effect on the relationship between the victim's group membership, adherence to BJW, and secondary victimization. 49 Specifically, when belief in a just world was considered, together with binding values and victim group membership, to predict the woman's blame for the violence she suffered, low adherence to that belief made adherence to binding values more salient, producing greater blame for the victim from the ingroup. In contrast, high adherence to BJW turned this effect non-significant, resulting in greater secondary victimization independent of the victim's group membership. These results suggest that high adherence to binding values predicts greater blame of the victim due to her group membership, when this is considered in isolation (see Study 2) or when it is associated with low adherence to BJW. Furthermore, they may indicate that high adherence to BJW limits the predictive power of binding values with regard to blaming the woman for the violence she suffered, as a result of her group membership. These results contradict Niemi and Young's (2016) observations, in that they affirm that the relationship between binding values and greater judgment of the victims does not derive from belief in a just world. Moreover, they emphasize the predictive power of the victim's group membership, in interaction with high adherence to binding values and low adherence to BJW, with respect to derogation of the victim, offering a new route of investigation vis-à-vis previous studies that indicated secondary victimization as being due to high (and not low) adherence to BJW (e.g., Abrams et al., 2003; Ferrão & Gonçalves, 2015; Sakallı-Uğurlu et al., 2007; Valor-Segura et al., 2011). In addition, the evidence found corroborates previous research that pointed to the absence of a relationship between adherence to individualizing values and victim blaming for the moral injury inflicted (Schein & Gray, 2015); and they add that this 50 relationship also does not occur when other variables, such as the victim's group membership and BJW, are considered. General discussion and conclusions Considering the current scenario in which violence against women continues to produce alarming numbers, this investigation becomes especially relevant for analyzing secondary victimization, one of the phenomena that contribute to the naturalization and persistence of this social problem. Taken together, the results presented constitute an empirical test of the effect of the victim's group membership on the blame for the violence she has suffered, through binding values and belief in a just world. Consistent with previous studies, the data suggest that the victim's group membership influences secondary victimization (e.g., Aguiar et al., 2008); that high adherence to binding values predicts derogation of the victim (e.g., Niemi & Young, 2016); and that belief in a just world plays a predictive role regarding negative attitudes toward victims of sexual violence (e.g., Abrams et al., 2003; Ferrão & Gonçalves, 2015; Sakallı-Uğurlu et al., 2007; Valor-Segura et al., 2011). More precisely, this research brings contributions insofar as it demonstrates that the relationship between adherence to binding values and derogation of the victim does not occur exclusively at the cognitive level, as information processing in which high adherence to binding values would produce greater secondary victimization independent of the victim's group membership (psychosocial variable); that high adherence to binding values leads to greater blame of the victim from the ingroup compared to the victim from the outgroup; that this effect is confirmed when low adherence to belief in a just world is considered jointly with binding values and the victim's group membership to predict secondary victimization; and that, yet, this effect becomes non-significant 51 when high adherence to BJW is considered in this relationship, suggesting that high adherence to this belief limits the predictive power of binding values with respect to derogation of the victim, according to her group membership. Additionally, the effect of participant gender was considered as an alternative hypothesis, however, the result of the analysis revealed that women and men blamed the victim of violence in an undifferentiated manner. This suggests that patriarchal culture is internalized regardless of gender and continues to reverberate in the processes of secondary victimization suffered by women victims of sexual violence, ensuring the maintenance of gender-based violence. Notwithstanding, the studies carried out present some limitations. Considering previous investigations showing that closer relationship between victim and offender increases bias against the victim (e.g., Abrams et al., 2003; Buddie & Miller, 2001; Rebeiz & Harb, 2010) the results presented here may have been influenced by this aspect, since the scenario used presented a case of rape involving a couple of friends who had known each other for some time. Another limitation lies in the fact that participants were not asked about their socioeconomic status and whether they had already been victims of violence at some point in their lives. In this area, future investigations could replicate these studies, manipulating the closeness of the victim with the aggressor in these scenarios and considering those other aspects that were analyzed in the studies presented here. In addition, in accordance with a previous study that demonstrated the influence of manipulation of the cultural schemes of individualism and collectivism in adherence to moral values (Yilmaz et al., 2016), another possibility would be to evaluate whether the priming of individualism would lead to greater adherence to the individualizing foundations and, consequently, to less derogation of the victim, as well as consider 52 analyzing which other psychosocial processes influence this relationship between the victim's group membership, binding values, and secondary victimization (e.g., sexism, stereotypes, culture of honor). Lastly, practices aimed at eliminating all forms of violence against women in different spheres should consider the psychosocial processes underlying this problem, such as those demonstrated on this occasion, so that action can occur in a more effective manner. 53 CHAPTER IV - MAIN FORMS OF AGGRESSION AGAINST WOMEN: A SEMANTIC ANALYSIS 54 In this descriptive-exploratory study, we analyzed open police investigations at the Specialized Department of Attention to Women (SDAW/DEAM) of a city in the Northeast of Brazil seeking to investigate the configurations that violence against women can assume. Method From a universe of 1962 enquiries opened in DEAM between 2015 and 2017, we chose randomly 300 to be analysed, 100 per year. The textual analysis was performed with help of the software IRAMUTEQ (Interface de R pour les Analyses Multidimensionnelles de Textes et de Questionnaires). Specifically, the Descendent Hierarquic Classification (DHC), which investigates the corpus, related to their respective vocabularies, analysing lexicographically the text. We opted for analysing each year separately aiming at investigating if the configurations of the violence against women has been modified along the years. Data analysis Statistic methods applied to textual data (Method Reinert) were used, which is a procedure based on the Descendent Hierarquic Classification (DHC). Therefore, the procedures of lexical analysis were developed with the support of software Iramuteq - Interface de R pour lês Analyses Multidimensionnelles de Textes et de Questionnaires (Camargo & Justo, 2013). The DHC is characterized as a cluster analysis in which the segments of text, after sequential divisions, were grouped in homogeneous classes. At the end of the DHC, the Iramuteq performs calculations of the chi-square aiming at checking the grade of association between the linguistic forms reduced and the classes of belonging and, right after, supplies a dendrogram that contains the classes found and their occurrences. 55 Results In the first period analysed, 2015, in total 35.159 words and 814 units of analysis were identified, which represented the use of 80.9 from the corpus analysed. The first partition performed by the Iramuteq shows the existence of three subcorpora. The first subcorpus gives place to the Class 5, which refers to the legal apparatus offered to the woman victim of violence. The second gathers the classes 4, 1, 2 and 3, which are related to the violence suffered by her (ex. Nature of violence, threat, relationship with the aggressor); and the third, formed by the class 4, defines the profile of the woman victim of violence. The Class 6 is the most representative and corresponds to 18,9% (154 UCE‟s) of the repertoires analysed, followed by the Class 4 which contributed with 17.2% (140 UCE‟s). The Class 3 participates 16.9% (138 UCE‟s), the Class 1 represents 16% (136 UCE‟s), the Class 5 contributes 16.2% (132 UCE‟s); and, finally, the Class 2 represents 14% (114 UCE‟s) of the total of the speech. Afterwards, we will analyse each of these classes, which were named from the semantic analysis of its content. 56 Lexical Analysis of the Speeches Figure 3.1 Dendrogram regarding the distribution of the vocabulary of the classes according to the Descendent Hierarchic Classification. The Class 5, called “Legal Mechanisms of protection to the victim”, regards to the legal tools available for women in situation of violence. The Law Maria da Penha enables mechanisms of protection and humanized service to women (like the Shelter House), determining the creation of special courts of domestic and familiar violence against women with civil and criminal competence. The examples of the content of this class are: “Requires the protective measures of urgency for the investigated be kept away from home and keep away from the victim, as well as their relatives, and do not keep in contact with her through any way of communication.” “Requires protective measures for the aggressor to keep far and away from the declaring person, as well as do not keep contact with her through no mean of 57 communication. Which was informed about the possibility of being sent to the shelter house, although did not show interest.” The Class 4, named “Relationship with the aggressor”, emphasizes the characteristics of the relationship with the victim and the aggressor, taking into consideration that the aggressions suffered by the women, notified in the DEAM‟s are made by the aggressors known (ex: former partners, partners, parents, children). Besides, the characteristics highlighted show the type and the durability of the relationship between the victim and aggressor and if they have children or not. As examples of the content of this class, we can cite: “Met Y and have been together for 11 years, have two children with him. Her relationship with Y was always complicated due to oscillation in his behaviour and that they broke up and got together ended several times the relationship.” “Live in a marital status with Y for 20 years with whom does not have children. The partner has always been violent with the declarant and has always hit her, but she never reported him. She has even been hospitalized.” The Class 1, called “Nature of the Violence”, refers to the predominance of the most frequent kind of aggressions. In the speeches it is possible to find some of the main forms of aggression against women present in the Law 11.340/06, among them: humiliating, swearing and diminishing self-esteem, restricting the action, the decision or the belief of a woman; controlling what the woman does, does not let her go out, isolate her from her family and friends and look up messages in the mobile/e-mail; throw objects, shake and press the arms, neck etc. Examples of the content of this class are: 58 “That therefore she lives today in Geisel with Y and 2 children. That Y this evening, after an argument because the declarant had gone to bed without he being at home, hit her with a slap in the face and suffocated her in the neck.” “He cursed her: „misera‟, „disgraced‟, „slut‟. That, immediately, the investigated spited on her face three times. That the investigated pushed her violently and the declarant hit her back in an iron strut.” The Class 2, called “Strategies of resolution”, approaches the methods used by the women that aimed to discontinue the violence and the conflict originated from their aggressors. The victims try to resolve by themselves the situation of violence, with trials to interrupt any type of relationship with the aggressor, even leaving the own house. When such trials fail, the victims look for assistance from the relatives, friends and neighbours until they finally seek help in the DEAMs. As examples of the content of this class, we may cite: “That has tried to separate from him in several occasions. That when she was pregnant of her youngest son she separated and went through substantial financial difficulties reason for sending her youngest daughter to live with her mother.” “That afraid of the son she left home and went to sleep in the house of a neighbour, but came back and remains afraid of the son. That wishes to prosecute criminally Y.” The Class 3, enunciated “Threats”, presents the main types of threats suffered by the victim. The crime of threat is understood, provided in the article 147 of the Penal Code, as the act of threatening someone, using words, gestures or other means, causing unfairly against the own victim, against someone close or even their goods. The examples of the content of this class are: 59 “That about three months ago the investigated did the following threat: if you find a new partner I will not do, but I will tell someone to kill you.” “That after the declarant go to her mother‟s house Y started to go to this place to insult her verbally with the same swearing and to threat her saying he would kill himself, but would kill her before.” Finally, the semantic analysis of the content of the Class 6, named “Description of the victim”, showed a cut-off of the main characteristics of the victims present in the police enquiries, being the most representative class. Afterwards it is possible to observe examples of UCE´s regarding the Class 6 that describe the profile of the victim. “Superior education incomplete, assistant, 3 children, heterosexual.” “33 years old, marital status divorced, sales promoter.” In summary, the results of the analysis of the semantic content present on the speeches of police enquiries regarding the year of 2015 show that most of the victims of violence maintain or maintained affective relationship with their aggressors (Class 4 - 17.2%), besides suffering physical and/or psychological violence (Class 1 - 16.7%). Besides this, the threats suffered by them (Class 3 – 16.9%) contribute to be discouraged to seek legal forms of assistance and protection to their rights (Class 5 – 16.2%), leading them to look for “subtler” forms to distance from the violence suffered, turning to, for example, to help of close people in their social circles (Class 2 – 14%). In the second period analysed, 2016, in total 37.126 words and 1059 units of analysis were identified, which represents the use of 79.89% of the corpus analysed. It is possible to observe that this corpus is divided into three subcorpora. The first subcorpus gives place to the Class 4 that regards the profile of the woman victim of violence. The second subcorpus gathers the Classes 1 and 2, which are related to the contextualization of the violence and the description of the violence by itself (ex: place 60 where it happened, time, how the aggressor attacked the victim, place of the body); and the third subcorpus, formed by the Class 3, it defines de relationship of the victim with the aggressor, describing the nature of the relationship between them. The Class 1 is the most representative and corresponds to 42.7% (361 UCE‟s) of the repertoires analysed, followed by the Class 3 contributing with 27% (229 UCE‟s), the Class 2 participating with 17.3% (147 UCE‟s), and, finally, the Class 4 representing 12.8% (109 UCE‟s) of the total of the corpus. Análise Lexical dos Discursos Figure 3.2 Dendrogram regarding the distribution of the vocabulary in the classes according to the Descending Hierarchic Classification The Class 4 named “Description of the victim”, just as in the year 2015, approaches the description of the victims about the marital status, age, scholarship level, profession among others. For example: 61 “Brazilian woman, 20 years old, single, incomplete elementary education, student, no children.” The semantic analysis of the content of the Class 1, designed “Contextualization of the violence”, gathers the contextualization of the violence suffered by the woman, indicating, for example, the place where the victim was, time and the moment in which she realizes the presence of the aggressor. This was the most representative class. Afterwards, it is possible to observe examples of UCE‟s regarding the Class 1. Today at about 19:00 the declarant arrived at home with her 3 years old son, the declarant opened the gate and came in, the declarant left the gate and the door open, the declarant sat down at the table and called her boyfriend to know if he would go to her house that night, her boyfriend said that he did not know if he would go that night and if he went he would arrive later, right after the declarant turned down the mobile she looked and there was a man in her house.” “Today at about 00h she had left the shower and was only with a towel wrapped her body in the bedroom talking on the phone with a colleague when she realized a man coming from the kitchen to her bedroom.” Highlights, more precisely, the physical aggressions suffered by the victim and the description of the characteristics of the aggressor. Compared to the classes of the year 2015, it is observed that the victims described not only the nature of the violence, but illustrate who was the aggressor. Examples of the content of this class are: …The declarant entered in the mentioned vehicle in the front seat; that the declarant realized that the man is white, strong, dark haired and a little stroke. 62 “Bit the arms of the declarant, bit the neck, pulled out her hair on the top of that scratched the arms of the victim; the facts occurred at about 10.” Finally, the Class 3, called “Relationship with the aggressor”, portraits the characteristics of the relationship between the victim and the aggressor highlighting questions such as: if they have children or not, if the relationship is calm or turbulent, if the aggressor is jealous and if there is use of alcohol and other drugs. When compared to the class that receives the same name in 2015, it is possible to realize that in this class there was an increase regarding the description of the nature of the relationship and of external elements that are associated to the relationship and that maximize the violence suffered by the women. As examples of this, class we can mention: “Diz a declarante que convive maritalmente com y 18 anos lavador de carros há seis meses com quem não teve filhos que desde o começo do relacionamento declarante quer deixa-lo visto que y sempre foi muito ciumento.” The declarant says that lives in a marital status with y 18 years old car washer for six months with whom did not have children that from the beginning of the relationship the declarant wants to leave him as y has always been very jealous.” “From the relationship they have three children; they are separated in fact for about one month, but live in the same house; she says that the relationship with y has Always been turbulent due to the constant use of alcohol and other drugs; that in the date of today he arrived drunk at home and under the effect of other drugs more specifically cocaine this in a very aggressive way calling the declarant but before there was a quarrel between the father and the declarant and the aggressor.” Altogether, the results of the analysis of the semantic content present on the police inqueries, regarding the year of 2016, show that the context in which the violence 63 happened is described when the aggressor is unknown (Class 1- 42.7%). With regard to the violence itself, it is seen a predominance of the physical violence reaching, above all, arms and head (Class 2 - 17.4%). Additionally, it is possible to observe that the nature of the relationship between the victim and the aggressor is conflicting and the fights and aggressions may be associated to the use of alcohol and other drugs (Class 3 - 27.1%). Finally, as well as the own phenomenon of the violence against the woman, the profile of these victims of violence is multifaceted, not having, in this year, one unique group of characteristics of the victims that denounced the aggressors by the violence suffered by them (Class 4 – 12,9%). In the last period analysed, 2017, in total, 33.657 words and 946 units of analysis were identified, which represents 76.74% of the corpus analysed. It is possible to observe that this corpus is divided into three subcorpora. The first subcorpus gives place to the Class 5 which regards to the profile of the woman victim of violence, as it happened in the years 2015 and 2016. The second is linked to the Class 4 which is related to the legal mechanisms of protection to the woman victim of violence. Finally, the third subcorpus gathers the Classes 1, 2 and 3 which approach the violence itself and of the threatens and retaliations by the aggressors. The class 3 corresponds to 31.96% (232 UCE‟s) of the repertoires analysed, followed by the Class 1 representing 22.45% (163 UCE‟s), the Class 5 contributing with 16.25% (118 UCE‟s), the Class 2 participating with 15.84% (115 UCE´s) and finally, the Class 4 representing 13.5% (98 UCE‟s) of the total of the speech. 64 Lexical Analysis of the Speeches Figure 3.3 Dendrogram regarding the distribution of the vocabulary of the classes according to the Descendent Hierarchic Classification The Class 4, named “Legal mechanisms of protection to the family”, as happened in the year 2015, presents the measures previewed by the law 11.340/06 of protection to women victim of violence. As examples of this class, we have: “Occasion when she was brought to the police station for applying necessary measures that manifests interest for the establishing of police inquest whereas representing criminally against the authors of the sexual violence after individualization of authorship.” “that the notifying wishes to represent criminally against her husband, as well as requires that the protective measure be deferred against the same.” The semantic analysis of the content of the Class 3, called “Threats”, reveal the threats and retaliations from the aggressors to the victims. This was the most representative 65 class. Therefore, like in the year 2015 they were present in the speeches of the victims and composed the description of the violence suffered by them. Besides, it is possible to observe that the threats are related to the possibility of a victim to denounce the aggressor. Below are examples of UCE‟s regarding this class. “...did not seek a police station to denounce the sexual violence which was submitted in the epoch, that the declarant for fear of retaliations of the aggressors omitted the facts to the family in a way that declared that when talking to the cousin revealed that only would have been victim of robbery.” “... that made a new start of the relationship few days afterwards that today was threatened by the accused who said: if you denounce me you will see, your head will roll down the grade, the accused is a drug user: cocaine and alcohol.” The Class 1, designed “Contextualization of the violence”. Illustrates the violence suffered by the victim, as well as describes elements that compose the situation of violence. This class was also present in 2016 and its recurrence may be reflex of the social mobilization occurred in the last years, driven by equal relationships and of the applicability of the law 11.340/06 (Griebler & Borges, 2013). Examples of semantic content of this class are: “... that the declarant felt insupportable pain had anal bleeding and even defecated while she was being abused, that the aggressor also struck her head with a revolver butt when he saw her crying.” “... that in the house in the corner of the street where she was approached there are cameras, that happened towards the bus stop and when she arrived at the bus stop she found two girls who said they had been approached by this accused.” 66 The Class 2, called “Nature of the violence”, approaches with details the violence against women. This class was present in all the years and illustrates the different forms that the phenomenon of the violence against the women can assume, as we can observe in the examples of this class: “...that during the criminal practice the aggressor moaned until the moment he ejaculated, that while she continued sat in the own motorbike that she drove the declarant was immobilized by the arms and her daughter innocently questioned: what is this mom that this man is doing?” “...that there was not penile penetration only the fingers that during the act the offender said obscene words to the victim, that the declarant observed the face of the rapist, but he immediately hit the back of the victim so that she would turn around again and did not look at him anymore.” Finally, the Class 5, called “Description of the victim”, describes the profile of the woman victim of violence. This was also a class that was present in the previous years; however, taken in-group, they are not able to demonstrate one unique profile of the woman victim of violence. This phenomenon reaches women from different ages, level of education, marital status, skin colour, among other features. Examples of this class are: “Brazilian, Brown skin color, 21 years old, single, complete secondary education, manicure, self-employed.” “Divorced, sales promoter, 33 years old.” Consolidated, the results of the analysis of the semantic content present in the speeches of the police inqueries, regarding the year 2017, show that the threatens and retaliations by the aggressors make the victim to omit or change the report of the offence suffered by her (Class 3 – 31.96%). There is predominance of the physical 67 violence (Class 2 – 15.84% and Class 1 – 22.45%), there is not a pattern in the profile of the women who are victims of violence (Class 5 – 16.25%) and the legal mechanisms follow attending the victims aiming at protecting them and helping to break the violence cycle against women (Class 4 – 13,5%). Discussion This investigation aimed to analyse police inqueries open in the Police Station Specialized to Attend Women (DEAM) from a city from Brazilian Northeast aiming to investigate the configuration that the violence against the woman can assume. For this, the speeches of the victim present in police inqueries, the nature of the violence suffered according to the Law Maria da Penha and the description of the victims were analysed. The material analysed was composed of 300 police inqueries from the years 2015, 2016 e 2017 (100/year). With regard to the profile of the victim of violence it was seen that there is not a pattern characterization, in other words, it is only to be in the category “woman” to be exposed to gender violence, although the statistic presented in Brazilian scenery sign a prevalence of this phenomenon in the adulthood and previous studies indicate that the declaring victims , most of them, are brown and black, are aged between 18 and 37, have complete secondary education, have income or are working and are single (Gadoni-Costa, 2010; Galvão & Andrade, 2004; Henriques, 2004; Kronbauer & Meneghel, 2005, Labronici, Ferraz, Trigueiro, & Fegadóli, 2010; Nascimento, Santos, & Santos, 2017; Teixeira & Miranda, 2017). Therefore, it is possible to claim that it is a serious social problem that affects the women as a group, despite their social status, race, age etc. (Griebler & Borges, 2013). On the other hand, the results found in this investigation confirm previous studies (Map of the violence, 2015; Brazilian Forum of Public Security & Instituto 68 Datafolha, 2017; Teixeira & Miranda, 2017; Atlas of the violence, 2018) as they demonstrate that, in fact, the women are attacked by men close to the victim, being mostly their former spouses/former partners/former boyfriends, followed by relatives, such as fathers and sons and close people (friends and neighbours). Said differently, the aggressor is a person who interacts with the woman in situation of violence, being inside the own house and belonging to the close family living (Gadoni-Costa, 2010; Labronici et al., 2010; Santi et al., 2010; Silva, Coelho, & Caponi, 2007). On the type of violence suffered by the women, corroborating previous investigations, it was shown that the women in their majority are victims of psychological and physical violence, committed by the partner (Deslandes, 1999; Gadoni-Costa, 2010; Galvão & Andrade, 2004; Labronici et al., 2010). On the physical violence, it is perceived that the bigger focus of the aggressions is on the head, neck and arms. This result is in accordance to the previous study which aimed at describing the profile of the attendance of the victims of violence by close partner in urgency services and emergencies linked to the Unique Health System (UHS) and investigating differences between the genders, signalling that the part of the body most affected was the head or neck, followed by multiple organs (Garcia & Silva, 2018). Additionally, in this investigation it is possible to observe an association of alcohol and other drugs in the report of violence suffered by the women. In the meantime, previous studies demonstrated that the rates of aggressions against the women, in general, are higher when the men drink exaggeratedly, in comparison with days of ingestion of alcohol considered socially acceptable. Therefore, it is possible to say that high consumption of alcohol causes changes of mood which impacts negatively in the relationship, empowering situations of discussions and violence (Berg, 69 Kremelberg, Dwivedi, Verma, Schencsul, Gupta, et al., 2010; Reichenheim, Dias, & Moraes, 2006; Vieira, Cortes, Padoin, Souza, Paula, & Terra, 2014). Finally, the results found here show the continuity of the most different types of aggression, even after the Law Maria da Penha, which implies that educative campaigns must be more energetic to fight this kind of violence. In the quality of scientific research, this study brings subsides for bigger discussions on this theme and the necessity of elaboration of more efficient methods of intervention in cases of violence against women, besides provoking reflections for all the society over which is the parcel of responsibility regarding this theme. 70 CHAPTER V- GENERAL DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS 71 The present thesis had as objective to investigate which psychosocial processes are underlying to the persistence of the discrimination against women. The choice of this scenery of investigation results from the alarming statistics presented in the referent world-wide scenery to this serious violation of human rights that place women in a position of submission and inferiority and it is maintained so much in the aggressive form as of almost imperceptible manners (Saffioti, 2004). To reach the objective, this thesis counted with the preparation of three investigations, which maintained as a connecting thread the perspective of the intergroup relations (Tajfel, 1981). Thus, both the prejudice and the discrimination resulted from it were understood in the frame of the existent relations of power between majority and social minority (Brown, 2009; Connor, Glick, and Fiske, 2017). Each of the investigations presented here brought specific contributions that, in an integrated way, allowed to pay attention to the general objective. From the results found in the Investigation 1 was possible to conclude that the sex of the candidate (feminine versus masculine) and the status referring to the parental license (it practices the right versus renounces the right) they interact together and they influence in the discrimination against women in the work place (ex. Benard and Correll, 2010; Fuegen et al., 2004; Sterling and Reichman, 2016; Thornton, 2016). Besides, the stereotypical evaluations referring to the dimensions of competence, sociability and morality contribute to justify the maintenance of this phenomenon. The research also confirmed the use of the dimension of morality as an "alternative" base of positive evaluation for women (Leach et. al., 2007); and it reinforced the argument of gender equality in the work place will not be reached without substantial changes in the traditional roles of gender (Lotte Bailyn, 2011). 72 The results found corroborate previous investigations (Glick & Fiske, 2001a; Cuddy et al. 2004) that present stereotypes as a psychosocial variable that produces and legitimizes disparities between social groups. Specifically, in the work environment, women continue to be assessed as less competent, when compared to men, and occupying low status positions in the hierarchical structure of companies. Additionally, it was observed that the perception of women may be more negative when it violates the gender stereotype that links motherhood to the physical and emotional care of her children (Etaugh & Folger, 1998). In other words, even if a woman decides not to exercise the right to parental leave in order to guarantee a good assessment in terms of competence, she ends up not achieving that goal. Breaking the social norms that give rise to the stereotypes associated with women is still a necessary factor to achieve gender equality since gender stereotypes are a basic cognitive component of women's evaluations in other spheres of life such as work and labor relations. The so-called glass roof is nothing but the consequence of the discrimination processes of women in the workplace that have an important basis in gender stereotypes. Our empirical results differ from what was shown in previous studies, as, for example, in the studies by Cuddy, Fiske and Glick (2004) in which working mothers were perceived as competent, but less sociable when compared to mothers who did not work. On the other hand, they are in line with previous research that pointed out that the increased relevance of social aspects related to women (for example, maternity) guarantees more negative evaluations when compared to men or women who do not share these personal attributes (Burgess, 2013; Heilman & Okimoto, 2008). 73 In other words, the results achieved indicate that when there is a stereotypical comparison between men and women in terms of the dimension of competence, women are unable to compete with men and, therefore, seek an alternative basis to get a positive evaluation. Meanwhile, the dimension of morality has been pointed out in previous studies as an alternative basis for social categories like women that are perceived as a less competent social group (Leach et al., 2007). A closer look at the evaluations of men revealed that the man who exercises the right to leave is evaluated more positively in the dimensions of competence, sociability and morality. These results are consistent with previous studies that indicate that men when they become parents continue to be assessed as more competent and are less likely to be discriminated against in the workplace (Bygren, Erlandsson & Gähler, 2017; Johansson, 2010; Plickert & Sterling, 2017). Furthermore, the present investigation takes a qualitative leap by demonstrating that, although motherhood and the education of children produce a direct or indirect increase in gender differences in the labor market, this is not the only aspect that explains discrimination against women in this area (Flaquer & Escobedo, 2014; Livermore, Rodgers & Siminski, 2011). Thus, the present work proposes a broader view that considers, structural issues such as traditional gender roles as one of the social dimensions that most contribute to the maintenance of disparities between men and women in such important spheres of life as paid work. The persistence of gender stereotypes is one of the main causes of the unequal conditions that women experience to develop a professional career. From a theoretical perspective, it should be noted that the three-dimensional model used here and in which the dimension of morality is added to the traditional 74 dimensions of competence and sociability presents a better adjustment to the study of gender stereotypes. The inclusion of the morality dimension that includes stereotypical attributes such as honest, sincere and trustworthy has proved important not only for the interpretation of the results obtained but also for the conceptual distinction between the dimensions of sociability and morality that appear joined in other studies (Brambilla et al., 2011; Leach et al., 2007; López-Rodríguez, Cuadrado, & Navas, 2013). The Investigation 2 presented additional contributions about the secondary victimization, one of the phenomena that contributes to the naturalization and persistence of the discrimination against women. The results of this investigation demonstrate that the group membership of the victim influences the secondary victimization (e.g., Aguiar et al., 2008); that the high adhesion to the binding values predicts the amendment of the victim (e.g., Niemi and Young, 2016); and that the Belief in a Just World predicts on negative attitudes regarding the victims of sexual violence (e.g., Abrams et al., 2003; Goad and Gonçalves, 2015; Sakall -Uğurlu et al., 2007; Safe- Value et al., 2011). Concretely, this investigation brings contributions in so far as demonstrate that the relation between adhesion to the binding values and the amendment of the victim does not take place exclusively at the cognitive level, but on the contrary the high adhesion to the binding values leads to the higher responsibility of the victim of an endogroup in comparison with the victim of the exogroup. In its turn, this effect is confirmed when the low adhesion to the Belief in a Just World is jointly considered with the binding values and the group membership of the victim to predict the secondary victimization 75 These results diverged from what was previously observed by Niemi e Young (2016). For these authors, a relationship between binding values and a higher degree of victimization does not derive from the adherence to the Belief in a Just World. In the meantime, they offer an alternative explanation for the responsibility of the victim when considering different variables such as the victim's group membership, moral values and the Belief in a Just World. In addition, although the effect of the participant's gender was considered, the result of the analysis revealed that women and men blamed the victim of violence in an undifferentiated manner. This suggests that patriarchal culture is internalized regardless of gender and continues to reverberate in the processes of secondary victimization suffered by women victims of sexual violence, ensuring the maintenance of gender- based violence. In the meantime, practices aimed at eliminating all forms of violence against women in different spheres must consider the psychosocial processes underlying this problem, such as those demonstrated on this research, so that the action can take place more effectively. The derogation of victims of sexual violence is therefore linked to binding values and beliefs such as the belief in a just world which contribute to justify the social status quo through the belief that the world is a fair place where everyone deserves what have, including women who are victims of sexual violence Through this investigation, it was possible to confirm that the judgment and discredit given to women who suffer different forms of sexual violence as a consequence of a secondary victimization can not be understood relying in an explanation that is based exclusively on a cognitive, intra-individual perspective. A more robust explanation, as shown in this thesis, is that which considers the role that 76 binding values and beliefs, particular the Belief in a Just World, play in the attribution of responsibility of women themselves for suffering sexual violence The results obtained in the Investigation 3 demonstrated that there is no characterization standard, in other words, to be fitted in the category “woman” is enough to be subject to gender violence. So to speak, it is the question of a serious social problem that affects the women, independently of their social status, race, age etc. (Griebler and Borges, 2013). From the results obtained in our third investigation it was also possible to conclude that, in general, the aggressor is a person that has family ties with the victim of violence, being inside of their own house and belonging to the intra-family life (Gadoni- Costa, 2010; Labronici et al., 2010; Santi et al., 2010; Rabbit, & Caponi, 2007); the biggest focus of the aggressions is concentrated in the head, neck and arms (Garcia & It Hisses, 2018); and the aggressions against women, in general, are higher when men drink exaggeratedly, in comparison with days of alcohol consumption considered socially acceptable (Scallop, Parliament, Padoin, Souza, Paula, & Land, 2014). This last study opens the way for further discussions on this topic and on the need for the development of more effective methods of intervention in cases of violence against women. Additionally it is intended to promote a reflection and a debate on the causes of sexual violence against women and the means to reduce its spread. The investigations developed here analyzed psychosocial factors that are underlying to the persistence of the discrimination against women in two different contexts (work related and sexual violence). When joined, the studies brought additional contributions about the influence that these variables exert in the expression of this phenomenon. In the meantime, the attainment of the experiments demonstrated the 77 existent complexity in the relation between the proposed variables, longing to fill in gaps left in previous investigations. Concluding, this thesis brings subsidies to bigger discussions on this subject considering variables such as stereotypes, group membership, moral values and belief in a just world; and about the necessity of the preparation of more efficient methods of intervention in cases of violence against women. Furthermore, it is a wake-up call for the whole society to consider their degree of responsibility in the persistence of this phenomenon. Taken together the different studies that are part of this thesis show the different forms of discrimination against women and the underlying psychosocial processes that can help us understand and prevent its causes. Whatever the form of discrimination and the scope in which it is carried out, the studies that are part of this thesis are based on the analytical perspective of the theory of social identity (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Stereotypes, binding values and social beliefs as the belief in a fair world have their origin in the processes of intergroup social categorization, in this case between men and women. Thus, for example, when we consider the victim's guilt phenomenon, we must consider that both stereotypes, binding values and beliefs about these social categories are not identical but are constituted on the differences attributed to men and women. These differences once established are naturalized, which allows their persistence over time and the difficulties to change them. Both stereotypes and values and beliefs constitute the cognitive basis of prejudice and discriminatory behaviors. This link between cognition, attitude and behavior is what makes its transformation so difficult. 78 All in all, this thesis shows from a methodological point of view that triangulation can provide us with the necessary tools to understand a phenomenon as complex as the one analyzed here, allowing us a more holistic view of it (Pope & Mays, 2006). There is no doubt that this work has limitations to the extent that the included studies are not based on representative samples in any of the countries where they have been carried out. Undoubtedly, the use of student samples for the preparation of the first two investigations on discrimination at work and sexual violence suffered by women are only a first step in the study of the different forms of inequality and discrimination of women in our western societies. It is also necessary to include other variables in addition to values, beliefs and stereotypes in the study of gender inequalities and violence. In this sense, new studies should consider the relevance of including sexism (both benevolent and hostile), social dominance orientation, right wing authoritarianism, and dehumanization processes among other factors for a more exhaustive analysis of the determinants of women continuing being, in many cases, a second category citizen with her rights diminished. Finally, the fields studied here, discrimination in the workplace and sexual violence are two of the most important, but not the only ones. Future research should consider both the interdependence of different forms of discrimination against women and the different contexts in which it is carried out. Only in this way can we approach the real dimension of gender discrimination. Likewise, although the studies included here have been carried out in cultural contexts that present certain differences, giving us a more comprehensive understanding of the phenomena analyzed, subsequent research should include other countries to understand the different forms of discrimination that 79 women suffer. Gender stereotypes, beliefs and values that support them are not given in a historical or cultural vacuum, these dimensions should be included in a more exhaustive way in future research. 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Validation of the Moral Foundations Questionnaire in Turkey and its relation to cultural schemas of individualism and collectivism. Personality and Individual Differences, 22, 149- 154. https://doi.org/10.1080/00224549809600391 http://dx.doi.org/10.5935/0034-7167.20140048 https://doi.org/10.1007/BF00289708 103 ANNEXES 104 ANNEX A – Instrument used in the studies described in Investigation 1 Somos un Grupo de Investigación de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid que está investigando las opiniones de las personas sobre diferentes temas relacionados con la sociedad española. Así, en cada apartado de este cuestionario usted será preguntado sobre un aspecto determinado. A continuación se presentan una serie de cuestiones en las que no hay respuestas correctas ni incorrectas, así que puede responder con sinceridad, ya que nos interesa mucho su opinión. Toda la información será confidencial y anónima, siendo sólo utilizada para fines estadísticos. Agradecemos su colaboración voluntaria en esta investigación. Si quiere formularnos alguna pregunta sobre el estudio, puede ponerse en contacto con nosotros (iaramari@ucm.es ). GRACIAS por anticipado mailto:iaramari@ucm.es 105 Imagine que usted trabaja en esta empresa y que tiene la posibilidad de elaborar el organigrama de la empresa, es decir, de decidir qué puesto ocupa cada empleado/a en la empresa. ¿Cómo lo organizaría? Indique qué puesto daría a cada una de las siguientes personas en el organigrama de la empresa. 106 1 - 2- 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 107 Condition 1 A continuación se presenta un resumen de una noticia en la que se describe una situación ocurrida durante el proceso de promoción de una empresa. En el último proceso de promoción que tuvo lugar en la empresa RMW-Incs, del sector de las telecomunicaciones, dos personas solicitaron ser ascendidas al puesto de Dirección de Proyectos. Esteban Romero Sánchez, 38 años, licenciado en Ingeniería Informática y Máster en Sistemas Operativos. Casado y con dos hijos, de 3 y 1 años. Lleva 10 años trabajando en la empresa y en el último año ha disfrutado de un permiso de baja paternal de dos meses y una reducción de jornada de una hora diaria por cuidado de hijos menores de 6 años. Luis Herrera Pérez, 38 años, con un curriculum similar y la misma antigüedad en la empresa. En este caso, el empleado renunció a los permisos por paternidad que podía haber solicitado. Al final del proceso, se adjudicó la plaza a Esteban Romero. El otro candidato, Luis Herrera, presentó una reclamación ante la Dirección de la empresa alegando que él había tenido una mayor implicación en el trabajo, ya que había renunciado a los permisos por paternidad. La empresa desestimó la reclamación. El abogado de Luis recurrió la decisión de la empresa y presentó una demanda ante el Tribunal de Primera Instancia de Madrid, alegando que el proceso de promoción fue injusto y nulo de pleno derecho conculcando los derechos de su patrocinado. El caso está pendiente de resolución por parte de la justicia. 108 Condition 2 A continuación, se presenta un resumen de una noticia en la que se describe una situación ocurrida durante el proceso de promoción de una empresa. En el último proceso de promoción que tuvo lugar en la empresa RMW-Incs, del sector de las telecomunicaciones, dos personas solicitaron ser ascendidas al puesto de Dirección de Proyectos. Esteban Romero Sánchez, 38 años, licenciado en Ingeniería Informática y Máster en sistemas Operativos. Casado y con dos hijos, de 3 y 1 años, lleva 10 años trabajando en la empresa y renunció a los permisos por paternidad que podía haber solicitado. Luis Herrera Pérez, 38 años, con un curriculum similar y la misma antigüedad en la empresa. En este caso, el empleado en el último año ha disfrutado de un permiso de baja paternal de dos meses y una reducción de jornada de una hora diaria por cuidado de hijos menores de 6 años. Al final del proceso, se adjudicó la plaza a Esteban Romero. El otro candidato, Luis Herrera, presentó una reclamación ante la Dirección de la empresa alegando que estaba siendo discriminado por haber disfrutado de los permisos de paternidad. La empresa desestimó la reclamación. El abogado de Luis recurrió la decisión de la empresa y presentó una demanda ante el Tribunal de Primera Instancia de Madrid, alegando que el proceso de promoción fue injusto y nulo de pleno derecho conculcando los derechos de su patrocinado. El caso está pendiente de resolución por parte de la justicia. 109 Condition 3 A continuación, se presenta un resumen de una noticia en la que se describe una situación ocurrida durante el proceso de promoción de una empresa. En el último proceso de promoción que tuvo lugar en la empresa RMW-Incs, del sector de las telecomunicaciones, dos personas solicitaron ser ascendidas al puesto de Dirección de Proyectos. Ana Herrera Pérez, 38 años, licenciada en Ingeniería Informática y Máster en Sistemas Operativos. Casada y con dos hijos, de 3 y 1 años. Lleva 10 años trabajando en la empresa y en el último año ha disfrutado de un permiso de baja maternal de dos meses y una reducción de jornada de una hora diaria por cuidado de hijos menores de 6 años. Luisa Romero Sánchez, 38 años, con un curriculum similar y la misma antigüedad en la empresa. En este caso, la empleada renunció a los permisos por maternidad que podía haber solicitado. Al final del proceso, se adjudicó la plaza a Ana Herrera Pérez. La otra candidata, Luisa Romero Sánchez, presentó una reclamación ante la Dirección de la empresa alegando que ella había tenido una mayor implicación en el trabajo, ya que había renunciado a los permisos por maternidad. La empresa desestimó la reclamación. El abogado de Luisa recurrió la decisión de la empresa y presentó una demanda ante el Tribunal de Primera Instancia de Madrid, alegando que el proceso de promoción fue injusto y nulo de pleno derecho conculcando los derechos de su patrocinado. El caso está pendiente de resolución por parte de la justicia. 110 Condition 4 A continuación se presenta un resumen de una noticia en la que se describe una situación ocurrida durante el proceso de promoción de una empresa. En el último proceso de promoción que tuvo lugar en la empresa RMW-Incs, del sector de las telecomunicaciones, dos personas solicitaron ser ascendidas al puesto de Dirección de Proyectos. Ana Herrera Pérez, 38 años, licenciada en Ingeniería Informática y Máster en sistemas Operativos. Casada y con dos hijos, de 3 y 1 años, lleva 10 años trabajando en la empresa y renunció a los permisos por maternidad que podía haber solicitado. Luisa Herrera Pérez, 38 años, con un curriculum similar y la misma antigüedad en la empresa. En este caso, la empleada en el último año ha disfrutado de un permiso de baja maternal de dos meses y una reducción de jornada de una hora diaria por cuidado de hijos menores de 6 años. Al final del proceso, se adjudicó la plaza a Ana Herrera Pérez. La otra candidata, Luisa Herrera, presentó una reclamación ante la Dirección de la empresa alegando que estaba siendo discriminada por haber disfrutado de los permisos de maternidad. La empresa desestimó la reclamación. El abogado de Luisa recurrió la decisión de la empresa y presentó una demanda ante el Tribunal de Primera Instancia de Madrid, alegando que el proceso de promoción fue injusto y nulo de pleno derecho conculcando los derechos de su patrocinado. El caso está pendiente de resolución por parte de la justicia. 111 Condition 5 A continuación, se presenta un resumen de una noticia en la que se describe una situación ocurrida durante el proceso de promoción de una empresa. En el último proceso de promoción que tuvo lugar en la empresa RMW-Incs, del sector de las telecomunicaciones, dos personas solicitaron ser ascendidas al puesto de Dirección de Proyectos. Esteban Romero Sánchez, 38 años, licenciado en Ingeniería Informática y Máster en Sistemas Operativos. Casado y con dos hijos, de 3 y 1 años. Lleva 10 años trabajando en la empresa y en el último año ha disfrutado de un permiso de baja paternal de dos meses y una reducción de jornada de una hora diaria por cuidado de hijos menores de 6 años. Luisa Romero Sánchez, 38 años, con un curriculum similar y la misma antigüedad en la empresa. En este caso, la empleada renunció a los permisos por maternidad que podía haber solicitado. Al final del proceso, se adjudicó la plaza a Esteban Romero Sánchez. La otra candidata, Luisa Romero Sánchez, presentó una reclamación ante la Dirección de la empresa alegando que ella había tenido una mayor implicación en el trabajo, ya que había renunciado a los permisos por maternidad. La empresa desestimó la reclamación. El abogado de Luisa recurrió la decisión de la empresa y presentó una demanda ante el Tribunal de Primera Instancia de Madrid, alegando que el proceso de promoción fue injusto y nulo de pleno derecho conculcando los derechos de su patrocinado. El caso está pendiente de resolución por parte de la justicia. 112 Condition 6 A continuación, se presenta un resumen de una noticia en la que se describe una situación ocurrida durante el proceso de promoción de una empresa. En el último proceso de promoción que tuvo lugar en la empresa RMW-Incs, del sector de las telecomunicaciones, dos personas solicitaron ser ascendidas al puesto de Dirección de Proyectos. Luisa Romero Sánchez, 38 años, licenciada en Ingeniería Informática y Máster en Sistemas Operativos. Casada y con dos hijos, de 3 y 1 años. Lleva 10 años trabajando en la empresa y en el último año ha disfrutado de un permiso de baja maternal de dos meses y una reducción de jornada de una hora diaria por cuidado de hijos menores de 6 años. Luis Herrera Pérez, 38 años, con un curriculum similar y la misma antigüedad en la empresa. En este caso, el empleado renunció a los permisos por paternidad que podía haber solicitado. Al final del proceso, se adjudicó la plaza a Luisa Romero Sánchez. El otro candidato, Luis Herrera, presentó una reclamación ante la Dirección de la empresa alegando que él había tenido una mayor implicación en el trabajo, ya que había renunciado a los permisos por paternidad. La empresa desestimó la reclamación. El abogado de Luis recurrió la decisión de la empresa y presentó una demanda ante el Tribunal de Primera Instancia de Madrid, alegando que el proceso de promoción fue injusto y nulo de pleno derecho conculcando los derechos de su patrocinado. El caso está pendiente de resolución por parte de la justicia. 113 Piense en la persona que fue ascendida por la empresa y díganos en qué medida cree usted que cada una de las siguientes características la describe. Señale el número que mejor exprese su opinión, teniendo en cuenta que el 1 indica nada y el 5 mucho. 1 Nada 2 3 4 5 Mucho Honesta 1 2 3 4 5 Amable 1 2 3 4 5 Segura 1 2 3 4 5 De fiar 1 2 3 4 5 Amistosa 1 2 3 4 5 Inteligente 1 2 3 4 5 Sincera 1 2 3 4 5 Servicial 1 2 3 4 5 Hábil 1 2 3 4 5 Respetuosa 1 2 3 4 5 Cálida 1 2 3 4 5 Eficiente 1 2 3 4 5 Justa 1 2 3 4 5 Agradable 1 2 3 4 5 Capaz 1 2 3 4 5 Bien intencionada 1 2 3 4 5 De buen carácter 1 2 3 4 5 Competente 1 2 3 4 5 114 ANNEX B – Instrument used in the studies described in Investigation 2 Somos un Grupo de Investigación de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid que está investigando las opiniones de las personas sobre diferentes temas relacionados con la sociedad española. Así, en cada apartado de este cuestionario usted será preguntado sobre un aspecto determinado. A continuación, se presentan una serie de cuestiones en las que no hay respuestas correctas ni incorrectas, así que puede responder con sinceridad, ya que nos interesa mucho su opinión. Toda la información será confidencial y anónima, siendo sólo utilizada para fines estadísticos. Agradecemos su colaboración voluntaria en esta investigación. Si quiere formularnos alguna cuestión sobre el estudio, puede ponerse en contacto con nosotros (iaramari@ucm.es ). GRACIAS por anticipado mailto:iaramari@ucm.es 115 Lea la siguiente historia: “Ana” Nacionalidad: española Ana y Enrique eran compañeros de trabajo, solteros y se conocían desde hacía algún tiempo. Un día, Ana invitó a Enrique a cenar un sábado por la noche. Después de la cena, ella le invitó ir a su casa, que estaba cerca del restaurante, para tomar una copa y continuar hablando. Tras beber un poco, intercambiaron algunos besos. Después de un rato, Ana trató de apartarse, le pidió que no continuase y que se marchara. En ese momento, Enrique la tomó con fuerza y la forzó a tener relaciones sexuales. 116 “Ana” Nacionalidad: española Ana y Enrique eran compañeros de trabajo, solteros y se conocían desde hacía algún tiempo. Un día, Ana invitó a Enrique a cenar un sábado por la noche. Después de la cena, ella le invitó ir a su casa, que estaba cerca del restaurante, para tomar una copa y continuar hablando. Tras beber un poco, intercambiaron algunos besos. Después de un rato, Ana trató de apartarse, le pidió que no continuase y que se marchara. En ese momento, Enrique la tomó con fuerza y la forzó a tener relaciones sexuales. 117 Cuando tú decides que algo está bien o mal, ¿cuán relevantes son las siguientes consideraciones para tu juicio? Por favor califica cada frase usando esta escala: 0 - nada relevante (Esta consideración no tiene nada que ver con mi juicio si algo está bien o mal); 1 - no muy relevante; 2 - levemente relevante; 3 - algo relevante; 4 - muy relevante; 5 - extremamente relevante (Este es uno de los factores más importantes cuando juzgo si algo está bien o mal). Nada relevante 0 1 2 3 4 5 Extremamente relevante 1. Si alguien sufre/o no sufre emocionalmente 2. Si a alguien se le trata/o no se le trata de manera diferente a otras 3. Si la acción de alguien muestra/o no muestra amor por su país 4. Si alguien muestra/o no muestra falta de respeto hacia la autoridad 5. Si alguien viola/o no viola los estándares de pureza y decencia 6. Si alguien es/o no es bueno en matemáticas 7. Si alguien se preocupa/o no se preocupa por el débil y vulnerable 8. Si alguien actúa/o no actúa injustamente 9. Si alguien hace/o no hace algo que traiciona a su grupo 10. Si alguien se ajusta/o no se ajusta a las tradiciones de la sociedad 11. Si alguien hace/o no hace algo desagradable 12. Si alguien es /o no es cruel 13. Si alguien se le niegan / o no se le niegan sus derechos 14. Si alguien muestra / o no muestra falta de lealtad 15. Si una acción causa / o no causa caos o desorden 16. Si alguien actúa / o no actúa de acuerdo con lo que Dios señala o aprobaría 118 Por favor, lee las siguientes oraciones y señala tu acuerdo o desacuerdo. Cuanto mayor es el número, mayor sería su grado de acuerdo, siendo 0 el número que indica muy en desacuerdo y 5 muy de acuerdo. Muy en desacuerdo 1 2 3 4 5 Muy de acuerdo 1. La compasión por los que sufren es la virtud más importante. 2. Cuando el gobierno dicta leyes, el principio número uno debería ser asegurarse que todas las personas sean tratadas justamente. 3. Estoy orgulloso/a de la historia de mi país. 4. El respeto por la autoridad es algo que todos los niños deberían aprender. 5. La gente no debería hacer cosas que son desagradables, aunque nadie salga herido. 6. Es mejor hacer algo bueno que algo malo. 7. Una de las peores cosas que una persona puede hacer es dañar a un animal indefenso. 8. La justicia es el requerimiento más importante para una sociedad. 9. Las personas deberían ser leales a los miembros de su familia, aunque hayan hecho algo malo. 10. Hombres y mujeres tienen diferentes roles en la sociedad. 11. Yo llamaría a algunos actos malos, basándome en que son contra natura. 12. Nunca será correcto matar a un ser humano 13. Yo pienso que es moralmente incorrecto que un niño rico herede gran cantidad de dinero mientras que un niño pobre no herede nada. 14. Es más importante ser jugador de un equipo que jugar solo. 15. Si yo fuera un soldado y estoy en desacuerdo con una orden dada por mi comandante y jefe, la obedecería de todas maneras, ya que es mi obligación hacerlo. 16. La castidad es una virtud importante y valiosa. 119 Indica tu grado de acuerdo o desacuerdo con el contenido de las afirmaciones o frases que tienes a continuación utilizando una escala de 1 a 6 donde 1 indicaría que estás fuertemente en desacuerdo con el contenido de la frase, 2 que estás en desacuerdo, 3 que estás ligeramente en desacuerdo, 4 que estás ligeramente de acuerdo, 5 que estás de acuerdo y 6 que estás fuertemente de acuerdo. Lee cada afirmación, decide en qué medida estás de acuerdo o en desacuerdo con ella, y señale tu respuesta teniendo en cuenta la escala. Fuertemente en desacuerdo 1 2 3 4 5 6 Fuertemente de acuerdo 1. Creo que básicamente el mundo es justo 2. En general creo que la gente recibe lo que se merece 3. Tengo confianza que la justicia prevalece o domina a la injusticia 4. Estoy convencido que a largo plazo la gente será compensada por las injusticias que ha vivido 5. Creo firmemente que en todas las áreas de la vida (profesional, familiar, política) las injusticias son la excepción más que la regla 6. Creo que la gente trata de ser justa y tomar decisiones con limpieza Tesis Iara Maribondo Albuquerque PORTADA ACKNOWLEDGMENTS CONTENTS FIGURES TABLES RESUMEN ABSTRACT CHAPTER I - GENERAL INTRODUCTION AND OBJECTIVES CHAPTER II – GENDER STEREOTYPES AND DISCRIMINATION AGAINST WOMEN CHAPTER III - GROUP MEMBERSHIP, MORAL VALUES, BELIEF IN AJUST WORLD AND DISCRIMINATION AGAINST WOMEN CHAPTER IV - MAIN FORMS OF AGGRESSION AGAINST WOMEN: ASEMANTIC ANALYSIS CHAPTER V- GENERAL DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS REFERENCES ANNEXES