¿De movimientos religiosos a organizaciones políticas?: La relevancia política del evangelismo en América Latina
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2020
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Fundación Carolina
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Los movimientos evangélicos adquieren protagonismo en América Latina desde mediados de los años ochenta. El importante crecimiento de iglesias y su relevancia social ha hecho que estos movimientos, especialmente los neopentecostales, hayan sido objeto de estudio frecuente desde diferentes enfoques: antropológico, cultural y sociológico. Sin embargo, no existen apenas análisis de su papel político, de su presencia en las instituciones de la región o de su transformación en organizaciones políticas. El objetivo de este documento de trabajo es cubrir esta brecha y abordar el auge de los movimientos evangélicos desde una perspectiva politológica, a partir de las siguientes hipótesis: 1) la identidad religiosa no genera automáticamente identidad política; 2) la propuesta de alternativas políticas evangélicas depende tanto del peso demográfico de estas iglesias en algunos países (caso centroamericano), como del debilitamiento progresivo Documentos de Trabajo 35 / 2020 (2ª época) de los partidos políticos tradicionales, envueltos en casos de corrupción, de forma que la crisis institucional abre el espacio político a estas organizaciones, que solidifican nuevos principios de agregación, y 3) el evangelismo ha mostrado un elevado pragmatismo y desarrollado nuevas estrategias políticas, aliándose con fuerzas conservadoras, en defensa de lo que denominamos “una nueva agenda moral”, extremadamente tradicionalista y reaccionaria. En torno a esta agenda, se estaría conformando en la región una triple alianza conservadora, entre el evangelismo neopentecostal, el catolicismo más ortodoxo y la derecha neoliberal, que adquiere un renovado interés en el contexto de lucha contra la COVID-19.
Evangelical movements have been developing in Latin America since the mid-1980s. The important growth of churches and the social and cultural relevance makes these movements, especially the neoPentecostals, have been the object of frequent study from different perspectives: anthropological, cultural and sociological. However, there is hardly any analysis of the political role of these organizations, of their presence in the political institutions of some countries in the region or of their transformation into political organizations, after the crisis of the traditional party systems and parties. This article will attempt to answer these questions based on several hypotheses: 1) religious identity does not automatically generate political identity; 2) the proposal of evangelical political alternatives depends on the demographic weight of these churches in some countries (Central American case), and the progressive weakening of traditional political parties, involved in corruption cases; therefore, the institutional crisis, opened the political space to these evangelical organizations that solidified new principles of aggregation, and 3) the evangelical churches have shown high pragmatism and developed new political strategies, allying with right-wing political parties in defense of what we call “a new moral agenda”, extremely conservative and reactionary. To do this, the document will also review the rise of evangelical political movements in the different countries of the region. Finally, an attempt will be made to explain the triple conservative alliance: neo-Pentecostal evangelism, the most conservative Catholicism and the neoliberal right, specifically in the fight against the COVID-19 in the region.
Evangelical movements have been developing in Latin America since the mid-1980s. The important growth of churches and the social and cultural relevance makes these movements, especially the neoPentecostals, have been the object of frequent study from different perspectives: anthropological, cultural and sociological. However, there is hardly any analysis of the political role of these organizations, of their presence in the political institutions of some countries in the region or of their transformation into political organizations, after the crisis of the traditional party systems and parties. This article will attempt to answer these questions based on several hypotheses: 1) religious identity does not automatically generate political identity; 2) the proposal of evangelical political alternatives depends on the demographic weight of these churches in some countries (Central American case), and the progressive weakening of traditional political parties, involved in corruption cases; therefore, the institutional crisis, opened the political space to these evangelical organizations that solidified new principles of aggregation, and 3) the evangelical churches have shown high pragmatism and developed new political strategies, allying with right-wing political parties in defense of what we call “a new moral agenda”, extremely conservative and reactionary. To do this, the document will also review the rise of evangelical political movements in the different countries of the region. Finally, an attempt will be made to explain the triple conservative alliance: neo-Pentecostal evangelism, the most conservative Catholicism and the neoliberal right, specifically in the fight against the COVID-19 in the region.